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Monday, November 9, 2009

Sarah Palin is a Flaming Delusional Moron, for example, when she speaks of 'death panels'

Sarah Palin is a Flaming Delusional Moron, for example, when she speaks of  'death panels'

 

 

Former Alaska GOP Gov. Sarah Palin is doubling down on her warning about so-called "death panels" that may emerge from the heath care bill the House passed Saturday night.

"We had been told there were no 'death panels' in the bill," Palin wrote in a note on her Facebook page soon after the bill's passage. "But look closely at the provision mandating bureaucratic panels that will be calling the shots regarding who will receive government health care."

The former Republican vice-presidential candidate first raised the prospect of bureaucratic panels making end-of-life care decisions for the elderly in August, a claim which was widely shot down by the White House and Democrats in Congress.

In an October post critiquing Sen. Max Baucus's (D-Mont.) health care bill, Palin made no mention of "death panels."

Democratic leaders have also denied that the bill the House passed by a 220-215 vote provides health care coverage to illegal aliens, but following her "death panels" claim, the former governor urged supporters to "look closely at provisions addressing illegal aliens' health care coverage too."

Palin did not provide additional evidence for either claim, instead launching into a charge that House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) did not live up to her promise of transparency in pushing through the bill.

"Speaker Pelosi's promise that Americans would have 72 hours to read the final bill before the vote was just another one of the D.C. establishment's too-common political ploys. It's broken promises like this that turn people off to politics and leave them disillusioned about the future of their country," Palin wrote.

"Speaker Pelosi has broken her own promises of transparency to ram a health "care" bill through the House of Representatives just before midnight," Palin continued. "Why did she push the 2,000 page bill this weekend? Was she perhaps afraid to give her peers and the constituents for whom she works the chance to actually read this monstrous bill carefully, if at all?"

While the former Alaska governor was highly critical of the bill, she applauded Rep. Bart Stupak (D-Mich.) for passing an amendment baring federal funding for most abortions.

"All of us who value the sanctity of life are grateful for the success of the pro-life majority in the House this evening in its battle against federal funding of abortion in this bill, but it's ironic because we were promised that abortion wasn't covered in the bill to begin with," Palin wrote. "Now we can only hope that Rep. Stupak's amendment will hold in the final bill, though the Democratic leadership has already refused to promise that it won't be scrapped later."

 

 http://www.politico.com/news/stories/1109/29287.html

 



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Sunday, November 8, 2009

Are You Getting Scammed by Facebook Games?

Are You Getting Scammed by Facebook Games?

 

Facebook games — Mafia Wars, FarmVille, Restaurant City — have become surprisingly effective at diverting time wasters among the social-networking crowd. More than 63 million people alone play FarmVille. But now accusations have surfaced that the games can lead some more gullible players, including children, into Internet scams, especially if they have a cell phone.

 

Here's how it works. You join FarmVille, a game on Facebook in which you can create a virtual farm by growing crops and livestock and tilling the earth. Through your toil, you earn virtual money, but to farm more efficiently or quickly, you can also invest real cash (through PayPal or a credit card) to buy virtual goods, such as seed or a tractor. Should you not have any real cash to spare on things that after all do not actually exist, you can instead accept an offer from one of the advertisers on the game site and get virtual cash in return.

 

 

These offers, generally known in the business as lead-gen (lead generators), will give you some seed/tractor money in return for signing up for, say, a subscription to Netflix or a credit card. But less scrupulous advertisers lure players in with an offer to take a bogus survey or IQ test. Once it's completed they require a cell-phone number to send you the results. When you enter your cell number and create a password, you have unwittingly subscribed to a service you never wanted but will be billed for. If you're a kid, the mysterious charge then appears on the phone bill of the parents, who often find that phone companies will not cancel services from a third-party provider — even if the parent cannot find out who that provider is.

 

 

Will O'Brien, general manager of social and casual games at TrialPay, a company that matches advertisers with potential online clients, told the San Francisco Chronicle that offers to swap personal information for virtual cash are designed to reach the young because they're less likely to have a credit card. But they often have cell phones, usually on their parents' plans. Indeed, while Facebook rules state that users must be at least 13, FarmVille seems to be aimed at a youthful crowd, at least by its marketing pitch: "Howdy Ya'll! Come on down to the Farm today and play with your friends ..."

 

The issue came to a head on Nov. 1 when the blogger Michael Arrington of Tech Crunch confronted some of the advertising providers at a virtual goods summit with accusations of scammy behavior. He blogged about it and also managed to find a former social-networking ad executive who admitted that the industry knew that not all the ads were on the up-and-up.

 

Mark Pincus of Zynga, the largest and most profitable of the social-networking game companies, (it created FarmVille, Mafia Wars and Cafe World) was quick to respond. "I agree with [Arrington] and others that some of these offers misrepresent and hurt our industry," he wrote on his blog. "We have worked hard to remove bad offers ... Nevertheless we need to be more aggressive and have revised our service-level agreements." He also took down all offers that involve sending a mobile-phone number. Offerpal, the biggest provider of offer advertising, also apparently responded quickly, replacing CEO Anu Shukla, shortly after a video of her confrontation with Arrington surfaced. Other game developers said the accusations amount to nothing more than the rants of an attention-hungry blogger.

(Read what happens to your Facebook profile after you die.)

 

According to the Better Business Bureau of Greater San Francisco, 222 complaints have been lodged against Zynga in the last 12 months. But most of these have not been about advertising scams, and Zynga has raised its BBB rating to a B+ from an F. Offerpal has a B rating. Industry figures suggest that roughly 90% of social-networking game players neither spend any real money nor click on any ads. And Facebook and MySpace say they monitor all applications closely and have suspended companies that violate its advertising protocols. In the last several days, both companies have revised their guidelines to be more stringent.

 

 

But clearly there's reason for caution. Other Internet entrepreneurs have piped up about the issue. James Hong, who co-founded Hotornot.com, said that even back in 2005 he'd stopped taking the kind of offers that ask for cell-phone numbers or a subscription. "The offers that monetize the best are the ones that scam/trick users," he wrote on his blog. "Sure we had [legitimate] Netflix ads show up ... but I'm pretty sure most of the money ended up getting our users hooked into auto-recurring SMS subscriptions for horoscopes and stuff."

 

All in all, might be just as well to earn virtual cash the old-fashioned way: by playing for it.

 

By BELINDA LUSCOMBE Friday, Nov. 06, 2009

 



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Obama Presses Senate to Act Quickly on Its Health Bill

Obama Presses Senate to Act Quickly on Its Health Bill

 

 

 

WASHINGTON — The White House, growing concerned that the Congressional timetable for passing a health care overhaul could slip into next year, is stepping up pressure on the Senate for quick action, with President Obama appearing Sunday in the Rose Garden to call on senators to "take up the baton and bring this effort to the finish line."

Mr. Obama's remarks came just 14 hours after the House narrowly approved a landmark plan that would cost $1.1 trillion over 10 years and extend insurance coverage to 36 million uninsured Americans; the president called it "a courageous vote." But the votes had barely been counted when the White House began turning its attention to an even bigger hurdle: getting legislation passed in the Senate.

In the Senate, where proposals differ substantially from the House-passed measure on issues like a government-run plan and how to pay for coverage, the bill is stalled while budget analysts assess its overall costs. The slim margin in the House — the bill passed with just two votes to spare, and 39 Democrats opposed it — suggests even greater challenges in the Senate, where the majority leader, Harry Reid of Nevada, is struggling to hold on to all 58 Democrats and two independents in his caucus.

Mr. Obama has staked his domestic agenda on passing comprehensive health legislation, a goal that has eluded presidents for decades. While Democrats were forced to make major concessions on insurance coverage for abortions to win House passage of the bill, they were nonetheless ebullient on Sunday, with many saying the vote gave them momentum to push the bill forward.

"For years we've been told that this couldn't be done," Mr. Obama said in the Rose Garden. Of the American people, he said, "Moments like this are why they sent us here."

But for all the exultation, there was a sense inside the White House and on Capitol Hill that the hardest work is yet to come. The House debate highlighted the pressures that will come to bear on senators as they weigh contentious issues like federal financing for abortion, coverage for illegal immigrants and the "public option," a government-backed insurance plan to compete with the private sector.

In the Senate, Mr. Reid has merged two bills into one. The fine print is not public, but the broad outlines are known. Unlike the House bill, which pays to extend coverage by taxing individuals who earn more than $500,000 a year and couples who earn more than $1 million, the Senate bill imposes a 40 percent excise tax on so-called Cadillac plans that cost more than $8,000 a year for an individual or $21,000 for a family.

And unlike the House bill, which includes a national public plan, the Senate measure would allow states to opt out. But even that is too much government involvement for moderates like Senator Joseph I. Lieberman of Connecticut, a Democrat-turned-independent, who pledged Sunday to wage a filibuster to block any plan with a public option in it.

"If the public option plan is in there," Mr. Lieberman said on "Fox News Sunday," "as a matter of conscience, I will not allow this bill to come to a final vote."

Apart from substantive hurdles, the Senate bill faces procedural ones; Mr. Reid cannot bring it to the floor for debate until he gets an analysis, or "score," from the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, expected later this week. The delay could push Senate consideration of the bill until after Thanksgiving, which could in turn make it very difficult for Congress to meet Mr. Obama's goal of signing a health bill into law by the end of this year.

The timing is crucial. Administration officials say Mr. Obama wants to wrap up work on health care so that he can turn his attention to other legislative priorities, including passing an energy bill and revamping financial regulations. But White House officials also know that the closer the final vote comes to the November 2010 midterm Congressional elections, the more difficult it will be to pass legislation.

Sending members of Congress home over an extended Christmas break without a health care bill in hand could prove disastrous politically. Democrats remember well the setbacks they suffered over the August recess when the Senate Finance Committee failed to meet Mr. Obama's deadline for finishing its measure, and lawmakers were pummeled in town-hall-style meetings around the country.

"The holiday break is viewed the same way as the August break," said one Democrat close to the White House, speaking anonymously to discuss strategy. "We don't want a repeat. We could probably survive it, but why take the chance?"

The White House began prodding Mr. Reid to move quickly even before Saturday's House vote. In a private meeting with Mr. Obama this year, Mr. Reid pledged to work to finish the measure by the end of December. But last Tuesday, Mr. Reid said the Senate was "not going to be bound by any timelines."

On Wednesday, Rahm Emanuel, the White House chief of staff, visited Mr. Reid. The two met on Capitol Hill to "continue the discussion on ways to get a bill done by the end of the year," said Mr. Reid's press secretary, Jim Manley, adding that Mr. Reid intends to bring the bill to the floor "as quickly as possible."

In case the leader did not get the message, Mr. Obama reinforced it Saturday night. In a statement after the House vote, he said he looked forward to signing comprehensive health legislation "by the end of the year."

A big question is whether Mr. Reid has the 60 votes that will almost certainly be necessary to permit debate to begin. Mr. Manley said Democrats hoped "the momentum from the House bill will make everyone realize that the Senate should at least have a chance to begin debate." Still, he conceded that there was "no glide path" toward getting the Senate to actually pass the measure.

As the Senate vote draws closer, the fight on the airwaves, where groups for and against the health bill are already spending millions of dollars on advertising, will only intensify. Republicans are also intensifying their opposition as they try to cast Democrats as tax-and-spend liberals, a theme echoed Sunday by Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the Republican leader.

"Soon, Senate Democrats will propose their own version," Mr. McConnell said in a statement. "We don't know how big it will be or how expensive, but we do know with certainty that it will mean higher premiums, higher taxes and massive cuts to Medicare to create even more government programs. That's not reform."

Representative Pete Sessions of Texas, the chairman of the National Republican Congressional Committee, issued a fund-raising appeal within hours of the vote. In an e-mail message to supporters, he said of Democrats, "Their unprecedented power grab will further bankrupt America while destroying the finest medical system in the world."

But Representative Chris Van Hollen of Maryland, the chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, had his own fund-raising appeal, an e-mail message sent to supporters shortly after midnight Sunday that said "thank you for helping to make this historic day." Below the text was a bold blue icon, a link to the committee's fund-raising site, that proclaimed in block letters, "Contribute Now."

 

By SHERYL GAY STOLBERG

Published: November 8, 2009

 

 

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/11/09/health/policy/09healthcare.html?_r=1&hp=&pagewanted=all

 



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What Americans owe to those who serve


What Americans owe to those who serve

 

 

The woman's Halloween costume featured a Third Reich motif.

This was last weekend in a sprawling bar-and-restaurant complex near U.S. 41 on the west coast of Florida. I had made the miscalculation of stopping by in pursuit of a quiet cheeseburger, not realizing that adults in trick-or-treat costumes were making the rounds on this sultry evening.

The woman (or the costume shop from where she had purchased her uniform) at least had the good sense to omit the actual swastikas, but that was the only bit of subtlety. The Heinrich Himmler high-fronted military cap, the boots, the swagger stick she kept slapping against her palm. . .some of the customers, playing along, did little comic goose steps as they passed her.

I looked up from my newspaper and tried to surmise if anyone was going to be offended enough by this odious display to leave. She beat them to it; she and her friends made a few quick passes through the aisles of the place, then returned to the night, ready to continue their revelry elsewhere.

Halloween in the United States is an increasingly odd holiday, no longer child's play, but on this evening I was thinking about another holiday, this one official, that is coming up this week: Veterans Day.

And, having unexpectedly encountered the woman in her getup, I found myself wondering what, six and seven decades ago, they would have made of it: what the 16 million Americans who served in the armed forces during World War II, who were sent across the ocean to defeat a brutal enemy, would have thought about this scene.

They're old men now, the soldiers who remain; many are frail and in ill health. It can be easy for us to forget that, when they were uprooted from their daily lives in the 1940s, no one knew what the history books would eventually say. No one knew the outcome. They were little more than kids, many of them; they were in effect told by our country:

Are you in school? You'll have to leave it. Have a new wife? You'll have to say goodbye to her. Working at a job you like? Tell your boss that you have to quit.

We need you to go halfway across the world, because we need you to save the world.

And they did it. Some 292,000 U.S. soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines were killed in battle during World War II; another 114,000 died from noncombat causes. Some 671,000 U.S. troops were injured, many of them grievously.

The uniforms they put on were not Halloween getups; neither were the uniforms of the enemies they confronted across the oceans. On their way to fight the war, it's a pretty fair guess that they were scared and lonely. They understood that there was no guarantee they would ever be coming home.

Each November we are asked to pause and honor them, which is, or should be, an honor in itself. After the events of the last week at Fort Hood in Texas, with their reminder of the sacrifices that the men and women of the military make for us, Veterans Day will hold special meaning this year.

This November also marks the second anniversary of the death, at age 92, of my friend Paul Tibbets, who I got to know extraordinarily well during the last years of his life. I'd like to say a few words about him here.

At the age of 29, out of all the men and women in the U.S. military, he was selected for a task of almost unfathomable importance. He was told to recruit, organize, supervise and command a group of soldiers and airmen who were to train in absolute secrecy. If he succeeded, he was told, then the war could be won.

Someone had started a terrible fight; he was asked to finish it.

He did. He got his unit ready. And on an August day in 1945, he flew a B-29 he had named for his mother, Enola Gay, to Japan, where he and his crew dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima. It was the single most violent act in the history of mankind, and he carried it out without flinching because he believed, in the deepest part of his heart, one thing above all others:

He could end the long war. He could stop the killing. All of the American soldiers who were on their way to the shores of Japan for a land invasion could turn around and go home, could raise families, could live again in a world at peace.

He understood the controversy, and the anger, with which his mission would be received by some. He understood that there were people who would forever hate him. He and I talked about it many times before he died. After the war, he told me, President Harry Truman asked him if people were saying unpleasant things to him because of the bomb. Paul Tibbets told the president that, yes, some people indeed were.

And Truman said:

"You tell them that if they have anything to say, they should call me. I'm the one who sent you."

So it's November again. Veterans Day is upon us.

There is a quotation variously attributed to Winston Churchill or George Orwell. Regardless of our individual politics, regardless of our beliefs about the rightness or wrongness of a particular war, the words are worth reflecting upon anew this week:

"We sleep soundly in our beds because rough men stand ready in the night to visit violence on those who would do us harm."

And so, to all who have served us, then, now, and in the future, a word of somber thanks, from those of us here at home.

The opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of Bob Greene.

 

Bob Greene is a bestselling author whose new book is "Late Edition: A Love Story."

 

http://www.cnn.com/2009/OPINION/11/08/greene.veterans.sacrifice/index.html

 



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Lao Tzu meets Yin Xi, the Guardian of the Gate of Tibet.

Lao Tzu: Father of Taoism


 

Although ascetics and hermits such as Shen Tao (who advocated that one 'abandon knowledge and discard self') first wrote of the 'Tao' it is with the sixth century B.C. philosopher Lao Tzu (or 'Old Sage' -- born Li Erh) that the philosophy of Taoism really began. Some scholars believe was a slightly older contemporary of Confucius (Kung-Fu Tzu, born Chiu Chung-Ni). Other scholars feel that the Tao Te Ching, is really a compilation of paradoxical poems written by several Taoists using the pen-name, Lao Tzu. There is also a close association between Lao Tzu and the legendary Yellow Emperor, Huang-ti.

According to legend Lao Tzu was keeper of the archives at the imperial court. When he was eighty years old he set out for the western border of China, toward what is now Tibet, saddened and disillusioned that men were unwilling to follow the path to natural goodness. At the border (Hank Pass), a guard, Yin Xi (Yin Hsi), asked Lao Tsu to record his teachings before he left. He then composed in 5,000 characters the Tao Te Ching (The Way and Its Power).

 

 

Whatever the truth, Taoism and Confucianism have to be seen side-by-side as two distinct responses to the social, political and philosophical conditions of life two and a half millennia ago in China. Whereas Confucianism is greatly concerned with social relations, conduct and human society, Taoism has a much more individualistic and mystical character, greatly influenced by nature.

In Lao Tzu's view things were said to create "unnatural" action (wei) by shaping desires (yu). The process of learning the names (ming) used in the doctrines helped one to make distinctions between good and evil, beautiful and ugly, high and low, and "being" (yu) and "non- being" (wu), thereby shaping desires. To abandon knowledge was to abandon names, distinctions, tastes and desires. Thus spontaneous behavior (wu-wei) resulted.

The Taoist philosophy can perhaps best be summed up in a quote from Chuang Tzu:

"To regard the fundamental as the essence, to regard things as coarse, to regard accumulation as deficiency, and to dwell quietly alone with the spiritual and the intelligent -- herein lie the techniques of Tao of the ancients."

One element of Taoism is a kind of existential skepticism, something which can already be seen in the philosophy of Yang Chu (4th century B.C.) who wrote:

"What is man's life for? What pleasure is there in it? Is it for beauty and riches? Is it for sound and colour? But there comes a time when beauty and riches no longer answer the needs of the heart, and when a surfeit of sound and colour becomes a weariness to the eyes and a ringing in the ears.

"The men of old knew that life comes without warning, and as suddenly goes. They denied none of their natural inclinations, and repressed none of their bodily desires. They never felt the spur of fame. They sauntered through life gathering its pleasures as the impulse moved them. Since they cared nothing for fame after death, they were beyond the law. For name and praise, sooner or later, a long life or short one, they cared not at all."

Contemplating the remarkable natural world Lao Tzu felt that it was man and his activities which constituted a blight on the otherwise perfect order of things. Thus he counseled people to turn away from the folly of human pursuits and to return to one's natural wellspring.

The five colours blind the eye.

The five tones deafen the ear.

The five flavours dull the taste.

Racing and hunting madden the mind.

Precious things lead one astray.

Therefore the sage is guided by what he feels and not by what he sees.

He lets go of that and chooses this.

The central vehicle of achieving tranquillity was the Tao, a term which has been translated as 'the way' or 'the path.' Te in this context refers to virtue andChing refers to laws. Thus the Tao Te Ching could be translated as The Law (or Canon) of Virtue and it's Way. The Tao was the central mystical term of the Lao Tzu and the Taoists, a formless, unfathomable source of all things.

Look, it cannot be seen - it is beyond form.

Listen, it cannot be heard - it is beyond sound.

Grasp, it cannot be held - it is intangible.

These three are indefinable, they are one.

From above it is not bright;

From below it is not dark:

Unbroken thread beyond description.

It returns to nothingness.

Form of the formless,

Image of the imageless,

It is called indefinable and beyond imagination.

Stand before it - there is no beginning.

Follow it and there is no end.

Stay with the Tao, Move with the present.

Knowing the ancient beginning is the essence of Tao.

Lao Tzu has Yin Xi appear to the Barbarian as the Buddha.

 

Lao Tsu taught that all straining, all striving are not only vain but counterproductive. One should endeavor to do nothing (wu-wei). But what does this mean? It means not to literally do nothing, but to discern and follow the natural forces -- to follow and shape the flow of events and not to pit oneself against the natural order of things. First and foremost to be spontaneous in ones actions.

In this sense the Taoist doctrine of wu-wei can be understood as a way of mastering circumstances by understanding their nature or principal, and then shaping ones actions in accordance with these. This understanding has also infused the approach to movement as it is developed in Tai Chi Chuan.

Understanding this, Taoist philosophy followed a very interesting circle. On the one hand the Taoists, rejected the Confucian attempts to regulate life and society and counseled instead to turn away from it to a solitary contemplation of nature. On the other hand they believed that by doing so one could ultimately harness the powers of the universe. By 'doing nothing' one could 'accomplish everything.' Lao Tzu writes:

The Tao abides in non-action,

Yet nothing is left undone.

If kings and lords observed this,

The ten thousand things would develop naturally.

If they still desired to act,

They would return to the simplicity of formless substance.

Without form there is no desire.

Without desire there is tranquillity.

In this way all things would be at peace.

In this way Taoist philosophy reached out to council rulers and advise them of how to govern their domains. Thus Taoism, in a peculiar and roundabout way, became a political philosophy. The formulation follows these lines:

The Taoist sage has no ambitions, therefore he can never fail. He who never fails always succeeds. And he who always succeeds is all- powerful.

From a solitary contemplation of nature, far removed from the affairs of men, can emerge a philosophy that has, both in a critical as well a constructive sense -- a direct and practical political message. Lao Tzu writes:

Why are people starving?

Because the rulers eat up the money in taxes.

Therefore the people are starving.

Why are the people rebellious?

Because the rulers interfere too much.

Therefore they are rebellious.

Why do people think so little of death?

Because the rulers demand too much of life.

Therefore the people take life lightly.

Having to live on, one knows better than to value life too much.

  

http://www.chebucto.ns.ca/Philosophy/Taichi/lao.html 

 



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Thursday, October 22, 2009

Ahoy Pirates: France Approves Wide Crackdown on Net Piracy

Ahoy Pirates: France Approves Wide Crackdown on Net Piracy

 

 

PARIS — France thrust itself into the vanguard of the global battle against digital piracy on Thursday, approving a plan to deny Internet access to people who illegally copy music and movies.

The country's highest constitutional court approved a so-called three-strikes law after rejecting the key portions of an earlier version last spring. Supporters say they hope that France, by imposing the toughest measures yet in the battle against copyright theft, will set a precedent for other countries to follow.

Britain appears set to introduce similar legislation next month.

"France is acting as a spearhead," said David El Sayegh, director general of the Syndicat National de l'Édition Phonographique, the French music industry association. "Piracy is not just a French problem, it is a global problem."

Critics of the legislation call the sanctions draconian and say they will be ineffective in curbing file-sharing, or in converting pirates into customers of legitimate digital media businesses. They argue that disconnecting Internet accounts is unfair because of the increasing importance of the Web as a venue for commerce and political expression.

"It is a very sad day for Internet freedom in France," said Jérémie Zimmermann, spokesman for La Quadrature du Net, a group that had campaigned against the law. He said opponents of the law would seek new ways to subvert it.

The law creates a new agency that will send out warning letters to people accused of copying music, movies or other media content illegally via the Internet. Those who ignore a second warning could face yearlong suspensions of their Internet access, as well as fines.

Mr. El Sayegh said that members of the agency would be appointed in November and that the first letters could go out as soon as January. Suspensions could occur as soon as the middle of next year, he added.

The court reviewed the proposal because of a challenge by the opposition Socialist Party following parliamentary approval in September. The reversal is a big victory for President Nicolas Sarkozy, whose wife, Carla Bruni, a singer and model, had championed the measure.

The main difference between the initial proposal blocked by the constitutional court and the version approved Thursday is that a judge, rather than the new agency itself, will be required to sign off on any account suspensions. Without that protection, the court had said, the law would have violated free-speech protections.

Campaigners against the plan complained that even the new version will deny the accused the right to due process because the procedures will follow a fast-track procedure similar to that employed for traffic violations.

Approval of the law in France comes as the European Parliament, which last spring sought to enshrine Internet access as a fundamental human right, potentially blocking any government-imposed cutoffs, appears to be softening its opposition to such penalties. New provisions included in a proposed telecommunications law would permit account suspensions, analysts say.

Across Europe, policy makers have been wary about embracing "three strikes" solutions. Critics say disconnecting people's Internet access is inconsistent with many governments' stated objective of increasing broadband penetration.

But Britain, which had consistently ruled out account suspensions, reversed course last month, saying that it would consider such measures as a last resort in the battle against file-sharing.

The shift exposed a rift among some prominent British musicians, after the singer Lily Allen weighed in on file-sharing on her blog, opining that it was hurting the prospects of young, emerging artists. She criticized musicians like Ed O'Brien of the group Radiohead, who have said that it was futile to criminalize file-sharing.

The British government's proposal, expected to be introduced in Parliament in November, has drawn strong opposition from some Internet service providers. BT, the biggest British telecommunications company, says enforcement would be expensive, raising costs for all broadband customers.

In France, the government has estimated that the law could result in sanctions against 50,000 people a year, according to leaked documents that were published during the debate on the plan. More than two-dozen judges will oversee the penal system created to enforce the law, according to the reports.

But Mr. El Sayegh said that he thought the actual number of suspensions would be low, because the threat of suspensions would convert copyright cheats into customers of legitimate online music, movie and other media services.

"The warnings will have a strong deterrent effect," he said. "This law is not a punishment against Internet users."

 

By ERIC PFANNER

Published: October 22, 2009

 

 

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/23/technology/23net.html?_r=1

 


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Wednesday, October 21, 2009

Rebranding America by Bono

Rebranding America by Bono


By BONO
Published: October 17, 2009

A FEW years ago, I accepted a Golden Globe award by barking out an expletive.

   

One imagines President Obama did the same when he heard about his Nobel, and not out of excitement.

When Mr. Obama takes the stage at Oslo City Hall this December, he won't be the first sitting president to receive the peace prize, but he might be the most controversial. There's a sense in some quarters of these not-so-United States that Norway, Europe and the World haven't a clue about the real President Obama; instead, they fixate on a fantasy version of the president, a projection of what they hope and wish he is, and what they wish America to be.

Well, I happen to be European, and I can project with the best of them. So here's why I think the virtual Obama is the real Obama, and why I think the man might deserve the hype. It starts with a quotation from a speech he gave at the United Nations last month:

"We will support the Millennium Development Goals, and approach next year's summit with a global plan to make them a reality. And we will set our sights on the eradication of extreme poverty in our time."

They're not my words, they're your president's. If they're not familiar, it's because they didn't make many headlines. But for me, these 36 words are why I believe Mr. Obama could well be a force for peace and prosperity — if the words signal action.

The millennium goals, for those of you who don't know, are a persistent nag of a noble, global compact. They're a set of commitments we all made nine years ago whose goal is to halve extreme poverty by 2015. Barack Obama wasn't there in 2000, but he's there now. Indeed he's gone further — all the way, in fact. Halve it, he says, then end it.

Many have spoken about the need for a rebranding of America. Rebrand, restart, reboot. In my view these 36 words, alongside the administration's approach to fighting nuclear proliferation and climate change, improving relations in the Middle East and, by the way, creating jobs and providing health care at home, are rebranding in action.

These new steps — and those 36 words — remind the world that America is not just a country but an idea, a great idea about opportunity for all and responsibility to your fellow man.

All right ... I don't speak for the rest of the world. Sometimes I think I do — but as my bandmates will quickly (and loudly) point out, I don't even speak for one small group of four musicians. But I will venture to say that in the farthest corners of the globe, the president's words are more than a pop song people want to hear on the radio. They are lifelines.

In dangerous, clangorous times, the idea of America rings like a bell (see King, M. L., Jr., and Dylan, Bob). It hits a high note and sustains it without wearing on your nerves. (If only we all could.) This was the melody line of the Marshall Plan and it's resonating again. Why? Because the world sees that America might just hold the keys to solving the three greatest threats we face on this planet: extreme poverty, extreme ideology and extreme climate change. The world senses that America, with renewed global support, might be better placed to defeat this axis of extremism with a new model of foreign policy.

It is a strangely unsettling feeling to realize that the largest Navy, the fastest Air Force, the fittest strike force, cannot fully protect us from the ghost that is terrorism .... Asymmetry is the key word from Kabul to Gaza .... Might is not right.

I think back to a phone call I got a couple of years ago from Gen. James Jones. At the time, he was retiring from the top job at NATO; the idea of a President Obama was a wild flight of the imagination.

General Jones was curious about the work many of us were doing in economic development, and how smarter aid — embodied in initiatives like President George W. Bush's Emergency Program for AIDS Relief and the Millennium Challenge Corporation — was beginning to save lives and change the game for many countries. Remember, this was a moment when America couldn't get its cigarette lighted in polite European nations like Norway; but even then, in the developing world, the United States was still seen as a positive, even transformative, presence.

The general and I also found ourselves talking about what can happen when the three extremes — poverty, ideology and climate — come together. We found ourselves discussing the stretch of land that runs across the continent of Africa, just along the creeping sands of the Sahara — an area that includes Sudan and northern Nigeria. He also agreed that many people didn't see that the Horn of Africa — the troubled region that encompasses Somalia and Ethiopia — is a classic case of the three extremes becoming an unholy trinity (I'm paraphrasing) and threatening peace and stability around the world.

The military man also offered me an equation. Stability = security + development.

In an asymmetrical war, he said, the emphasis had to be on making American foreign policy conform to that formula.

Enter Barack Obama.

If that last line still seems like a joke to you ... it may not for long.

Mr. Obama has put together a team of people who believe in this equation. That includes the general himself, now at the National Security Council; the vice president, a former chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee; the Republican defense secretary; and a secretary of state, someone with a long record of championing the cause of women and girls living in poverty, who is now determined to revolutionize health and agriculture for the world's poor. And it looks like the bipartisan coalition in Congress that accomplished so much in global development over the past eight years is still holding amid rancor on pretty much everything else. From a development perspective, you couldn't dream up a better dream team to pursue peace in this way, to rebrand America.

The president said that he considered the peace prize a call to action. And in the fight against extreme poverty, it's action, not intentions, that counts. That stirring sentence he uttered last month will ring hollow unless he returns to next year's United Nations summit meeting with a meaningful, inclusive plan, one that gets results for the billion or more people living on less than $1 a day. Difficult. Very difficult. But doable.

The Nobel Peace Prize is the rest of the world saying, "Don't blow it."

But that's not just directed at Mr. Obama. It's directed at all of us. What the president promised was a "global plan," not an American plan. The same is true on all the other issues that the Nobel committee cited, from nuclear disarmament to climate change — none of these things will yield to unilateral approaches. They'll take international cooperation and American leadership.

The president has set himself, and the rest of us, no small task.

That's why America shouldn't turn up its national nose at popularity contests. In the same week that Mr. Obama won the Nobel, the United States was ranked as the most admired country in the world, leapfrogging from seventh to the top of the Nation Brands Index survey — the biggest jump any country has ever made. Like the Nobel, this can be written off as meaningless ... a measure of Mr. Obama's celebrity (and we know what people think of celebrities).

But an America that's tired of being the world's policeman, and is too pinched to be the world's philanthropist, could still be the world's partner. And you can't do that without being, well, loved. Here come the letters to the editor, but let me just say it: Americans are like singers — we just a little bit, kind of like to be loved. The British want to be admired; the Russians, feared; the French, envied. (The Irish, we just want to be listened to.) But the idea of America, from the very start, was supposed to be contagious enough to sweep up and enthrall the world.

And it is. The world wants to believe in America again because the world needs to believe in America again. We need your ideas — your idea — at a time when the rest of the world is running out of them.

Bono, the lead singer of the band U2 and a co-founder of the advocacy group ONE and (Product)RED, is a contributing columnist for The Times.


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Reefer Madness:Justice Dept. to Stop Pursuit of Medical Marijuana Use

Reefer Madness: Justice Dept. to Stop Pursuit of Medical Marijuana Use

WASHINGTON — People who use marijuana for medical purposes and those who distribute it should not face federal prosecution, provided they act according to state law, the Justice Department said on Monday in a directive with political and legal implications.

In a memorandum to federal prosecutors in the 14 states that allow the use of marijuana for medical purposes, the department said it was committed to the "efficient and rational use" of its resources and that going after individuals who were in "clear and unambiguous compliance" with state laws did not meet that standard.

At the same time, the department emphasized that it would continue to pursue those who use the concept of medical marijuana as a ruse for drug trafficking. "Marijuana distribution in the United States remains the single largest source of revenue for the Mexican cartels," the department said in pledging that prosecuting the makers and sellers of illegal drugs, including marijuana, would remain a "core priority."

The Justice Department policy statement, foreshadowed since shortly after President Obama took office, was laid out on Monday in an announcement by Attorney GeneralEric H. Holder Jr., who made public a memo from David W. Ogden, the deputy attorney general, to the United States attorneys in the affected states, most notably California.

The announcement formalizes the Obama administration's departure from the policies of former President George W. Bush, under whose administration federal agents raided medical marijuana distributors that violated federal statutes, even if the distributors appeared to be complying with state laws.

Advocates of medical marijuana say the substance can reduce chronic pain, nausea and other ailments associated with cancer and other serious illnesses. In 1996, California became the first state to make it legal to sell marijuana to people with doctors' prescriptions. The other states that allow some use of marijuana for medical purposes are Alaska, Colorado, Hawaii, Maine, Maryland, Michigan, Montana, Nevada, New Mexico, Oregon, Rhode Island, Vermont and Washington.

"This is a major step forward," said Bruce Mirken, communications director for theMarijuana Policy Project, which supports legalizing the substance. "This change in policy moves the federal government dramatically toward respecting scientific and practical reality."

The Justice Department indicated that the memo should not be interpreted as legalizing marijuana. "Rather, this memorandum is intended solely as a guide to the exercise of investigative and prosecutorial discretion," the department said.

But there will inevitably be clashes, in political arenas and in courtrooms, over what constitutes "clear and unambiguous compliance" with state laws, and whether marijuana distributors ostensibly in business to provide the substance for medical use are being infiltrated by drug cartels.

Solomon Moore contributed reporting from Los Angeles.


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Wednesday, October 14, 2009

Get Off Obama's Back ...second thoughts from Michael Moore

Get Off Obama's Back ...second thoughts from Michael Moore

Friends,

Last night my wife asked me if I thought I was a little too hard on Obama in my letter yesterday congratulating him on his Nobel Prize. "No, I don't think so," I replied. I thought it was important to remind him he's now conducting the two wars he's inherited. "Yeah," she said, "but to tell him, 'Now earn it!'? Give the guy a break -- this is a great day for him and for all of us."

I went back and re-read what I had written. And I listened for far too long yesterday to the right wing hate machine who did what they could to crap all over Barack's big day. Did I -- and others on the left -- do the same?

We are weary, weary of war. The trillions that will have gone to these two wars have helped to bankrupt us as a nation -- financially and morally. To think of all the good we could have done with all that money! Two months of the War in Iraq would pay for all the wells that need to be dug in the Third World for drinking water! Obama is moving too slow for most of us -- but he needs to know we are with him and we stand beside him as he attempts to turn eight years of sheer madness around. Who could do that in nine months? Superman? Thor? Mitch McConnell?

Instead of waiting to see what the president is going to do, we all need to be pro-active and push the agenda that we want to see enacted. What keeps us from forming the same local groups we put together to get out the vote last November? C'mon! We're the majority now -- the majority by a significant margin! We call the shots -- and we need to tell this wimpy Congress to get busy and do what we say -- or else.

All I ask of those who voted for Obama is to not pile on him too quickly. Yes, make your voice heard (his phone number is 202-456-1414). But don't abandon the best hope we've had in our lifetime for change. And for God's sake, don't head to bummerville if he says or does something we don't like. Do you ever see Republicans behave that way? I mean, the Right had 20 years of Republican presidents and they still couldn't get prayer in the public schools, or outlaw abortion, or initiate a flat tax or put our Social Security into the stock market. They did a lot of damage, no doubt about that, but on the key issues that the Christian Right fought for, they came up nearly empty handed. No wonder they've been driven crazy lately. They'll never have it as good again as they've had it since Reagan took office.

But -- do you ever see them looking all gloomy and defeated? No! They keep on fighting! Every day. Our side? At the first sign of wavering, we just pack up our toys and go home.

So, at least for this weekend, let us celebrate what people elsewhere are celebrating -- that America now has a sane and smart man in the White House, a man who truly wants a world at peace for his two daughters.

Many, for the past couple days (yes, myself included), have grumbled, "What has he done to earn this prize?" How 'bout this:

The simple fact that he was elected was reason enough for him to be the recipient of this year's Nobel Peace Prize.

Because on that day the murderous actions of the Bush/Cheney years were totally and thoroughly rebuked. One man -- a man who opposed the War in Iraq from the beginning -- offered to end the insanity. The world has stood by in utter horror for the past eight years as they watched the descendants of Washington, Lincoln and Jefferson light the fuse of our own self-destruction. We flipped off the nations on this planet by abandoning Kyoto and then proceeded to melt eight more years worth of the polar ice caps. We invaded two nations that didn't attack us, failed to find the real terrorists and, in effect, ignited our own wave of terror. People all over the world wondered if we had gone mad.

And if all that wasn't enough, the outgoing Joker presided over the worst global financial collapse since the Great Depression.

So, yeah, at precisely 11:00pm ET on November 4, 2008, Barack Obama won the Nobel Peace Prize. And the 66 million people who voted for him won it, too. By the time he took the stage at midnight ET in the Grant Park Historic Hippie Battlefield in downtown Chicago, billions of people around the globe were already breathing a huge sigh of relief. It was as if, in that instant, one man did bring the promise of peace to the world -- and most were ready to go wherever he wanted to go to achieve that end. Never before had the election of one man made every other nation feel like they had won, too. When you've got billions of people ready, willing and able to join a cause like this, well, a prize in Oslo is the least that you deserve.

One other thought. The Peace Prize historically has been given to those who have worked to throw off the yoke of racial discrimination and segregation (Martin Luther King, Jr., Desmond Tutu). I think the Nobel committee, in awarding Obama the prize, was also rewarding the fact that something profound had happened in a nation that was founded on racial genocide, built on racist slavery, and held back for a hundred-plus years by vestiges of hateful bigotry (which can still be found on display at teabagger rallies and daily talk radio). The fact that this one man could cause this seismic historical event to occur -- and to do so with such grace and humility, never succumbing to the bait, but still not backing down (yes, he asked to be sworn in as "Barack Hussein Obama"!) -- is more than reason enough he should be in Oslo to meet the King on December 10. Maybe he could take us along with him. 'Cause I also suspect the Nobel committee was tipping its hat to all of us -- we, the American people, had conquered some of our racism and did the truly unexpected. After seeing searing images of our black fellow citizens left to drown in New Orleans -- and poor whites seeing their own treated no better than the black man they had been raised to hate -- we had all seen enough. It was time for change.

Thank you, Barack Obama, for giving us the opportunity to redeem ourselves. Now for the tasks ahead. We need you to do all that you promised to do. We need it. The world needs it.

My prediction for the future? You become the first *two-time* winner of the Nobel Peace Prize! Yeah!

Fred (that's Norwegian for "Peace"),
Michael Moore
MMFlint@aol.com
MichaelMoore.com


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What The Nobel Commitee Is Trying To Tell America

What the Nobel committee is trying to tell America
  
Surprised that Barack Obama won the Nobel Peace Prize? So was Barack Obama. But like the decision to put the Olympics in Rio, there is nothing mystifying about it to people outside America, and the message to us is clear if we will listen for it.
Rio was a surprise only because Americans persuaded themselves that the pitches for Chicago by the president and Oprah were somehow unusual and special, even though every city in the running was represented by a head of government, except Madrid, which was represented by King Juan Carlos of Spain. In the end, the Olympic Committee understandably decided that it was time the games were held someplace in South America.
As for the peace prize, Americans, including their president, have been focused on domestic issues like health care, and when we do focus on the world we tend to think in terms of containing regional troublemakers through the exertion of American power, while people in the rest of the world see America as, sometimes, the biggest troublemaker of all, largely through its long history of using force where negotiation would do.
But to fully understand this, you first need to understand the Naguib Mahfouz Factor.
Naguib Mahfouz was an Egyptian author of 50 novels. He won the Noble Prize for Literature in 1988. I remember this because it was second or third year that the committee had gone for someone who didn't write in English and was pretty much unknown in America. The Russian Joseph Brodsky had won the year before and a Nigerian author the year before that. The Nobel committee was bent on honoring people we never heard of.
In the newsroom we made fun of this. We made an awful, irreverant list in the newsroom of his "books" that included "Naked Came the Terrorist," "Moby Sheik," "To Kill a Jew," and "A Tale of Two Camels." We were all young and thought this was a hoot. But we also did some research on the guy, and found he was being threatened by extremists for his support of the Camp David accords. I only learned while researching this post that the extremists got to him eventually, stabbing him in the neck and hand, leaving him unable to write without great pain. Mahfouz died in 2006.
The point is that the Nobel committee awarded him the prize, not just because some of them had read and liked his novels, but because they wanted to use the prize to call world attention to deserving authors, something more useful to Egyptian, Russian and Nigerian writers than to Americans, and also because they wanted to make a statement of support for a guy who was a force for good in a troubled region. Mahfouz returned the favor a year later when he said those who threatened Salman Rushdie were terrorists. Mahfouz wound up stabbed in the neck but Rushdie, whose novel "The Satanic Verses" is hilarious but arguably sacrilegious, is alive and well and writing at the age of 62.
So are we clear on this? The Nobel committee does not merely form an opinion on who's best at something or who has done the most. Its choices are gestures, meant to encourage what the judges feel should be encouraged. Which brings us back to Barack Obama.
For several administrations, Republican and Democrat alike, it has been U.S. policy to snub regional troublemakers, as if access to top U.S. officials is a privilege so wonderful that we must dole it out carefully as a reward for good behavior. President Obama has taken a different course, showing a willingness to engage afresh with a lot of people who haven't exactly been pulling their weight on world peace.
This simple change has not gotten a great deal of notice in the United States. The president himself seems to regard it as no big deal, merely something he thinks it's worth the effort to try, in case it works. Even the president's most intractable critics have barely mentioned it, considering other things more important to argue about.
But in the rest of the world, this is a big deal. We may feel we were only snubbing a couple of guys – North Korea's Kim, Libya's Ghaddafi, Iran's Ahmadinejad – who are neither major world figures nor particularly respectable. But from outside the United States, where everybody feels like a little guy compared to America the last world power, a fresh willingness to engage, even occasionally to consult, seems like a real good idea.
President Obama is right to suggest that the peace prize is not really meant for him. I don't think it is, either. I think it's meant for America, as encouragement to stick with this new business of being willing to talk to other world leaders.
And if you still bristle at a president winning the Nobel Prize less than a year into office, I think you're taking the prize too seriously. George Bernard Shaw, who won the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1925, said he could forgive Alfred Nobel for inventing dynamite but not for inventing his prize.

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Tuesday, October 13, 2009

Australia Post bans raunchy literature classics

Australia Post bans raunchy literature classics

 

Three literature classics have been taken off shelves at Australia Post outlets over concerns sexually explicit content could offend customers.

PostShop staff across the country were reportedly ordered to remove LolitaThe History of Sexuality andThe Delta of Venus from sale two weeks ago.

An Australia Post staff member told ninemsn the titles were currently being kept "out the back" and would soon be returned to publisher Penguin Books.

"It's just been decided that those titles don't fit the environment here," she said.

The three banned titles are part of the Popular Penguin range, which also includes the controversial novel Lady Chatterley's Lover.

Lady Chatterley's Lover is still on Australia Post shelves despite containing explicit passages — including one page where the word "cunt" is featured six times.

Earlier today Australia Post spokesman Alex Twomey told Crikey.com.au the banned books were deemed "inappropriate for a mainstream shop like Australia Post".

"It was purely a decision around whether it fitted our stores. That also extends to DVDs and many other different products," he said.

Both Lolita, which features graphic depictions of pedophilia, and the erotic Delta of Venus are top-20 Popular Penguin bestsellers.

The History of Sexuality, by French philosopher Michel Foucault, studies the repression of human sex drives.

 
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Obama Becomes Japan’s English Teacher

Obama Becomes Japan's English Teacher


TOKYO — When Utako Sakai was changing the background music in her beauty parlor recently, she did not opt for the classical piano pieces she usually chose.

Miki Tanikawa

A CD of President Barack Obama's inaugural speech has sold a half million copies in Japan, leading publishers to flood the market with over a dozen language-learning titles centered on his oratory.

Instead, she picked her favorite CD: "President Obama's Inaugural Address," released by Asahi Press, a Japanese publisher of language books. She says the speech lifts her spirits and helps her to learn English all at once.

"All our customers love it," said Ms. Sakai, who is based in Ayase City, in Kanagawa Prefecture, outside Tokyo.

The speech CD and its accompanying book have been a resounding success, selling 200,000 copies since its release in January. A compilation of President Barack Obama's speeches has done even better, selling half a million copies since November, solidifying his role as Japan's English teacher.

Publishers have since flooded the market with over a dozen language-learning titles, including "Speech Training: Learning to Deliver English Speech, Obama Style"; "Learn English Grammar From Obama"; and "Yes, I Can With Obama: 40 Magical English Phrases From Presidential E-mails."

Asahi Press followed up its inauguration book and CD with a recording of Mr. Obama's "World Without Nuclear Weapons" speech, also in book and CD form, given in Prague in April.

The publishers are trying to tap into a foreign-language teaching industry that the Yano Search Institute said was valued at ¥767 billion, or $8.7 billion, in 2008. The figure includes the cost of books, CDs, dictionaries, e-learning programs, standardized English tests, and the cost of private language lessons. The institute, in Tokyo, says the majority of the spending is aimed at learning English.

Most Japanese people, including those studying English, would have difficulty comprehending a speech given by a native English speaker. But "Mr. Obama's English is easy to understand because he pronounces words clearly and speaks at a relatively slow clip," said Professor Tadaharu Nikaido, a communication specialist here. "Movies tend to be the most difficult for Japanese, especially when actors mumble their words."

Mr. Obama sets his range of vocabulary wide enough to accommodate the highly educated and the less educated, Professor Nikaido added, and at the lower end, it sometimes comes within the range of non-native speakers' comprehension.

But there are probably a large number of buyers who do not really possess the basic English skills to understand his speech, said Yuzo Yamamoto, an editor at Asahi Press. Since the sales took off, he has received postcards from readers saying they had been touched by Mr. Obama's speeches, but "those same people have said they were moved even though they didn't understand English well," he said. "Some even said the only phrase they caught was, 'Yes, we can.' They said they were in tears nonetheless."

Mr. Yamamoto said there was a sincerity about Mr. Obama's speaking style that listeners could perceive phonetically, combined with a delivery that was almost musical.

"That seems to result in sensation, the kind of which you get from listening to good music," he said.

Other observers say that Japanese buyers probably feel as though they understand his speeches just from the nonverbal cues.

"The audience in the background helped too," Professor Nikaido said. "The audience's echo in the background works the same way as, say, laugh sound effects inserted in TV comedies."

That may explain why Ms. Sakai, the beautician, and her customers were so enthralled by Mr. Obama. Ms. Sakai describes her English skills as less than perfect and says she relies on others for translation when she travels overseas. But when she hears Mr. Obama talk, she feels perfectly at ease.

"I feel as though I am not Japanese," she says, because she is able to understand the English speech so well.

The fervor over Obama-speak, some say, reflects other aspects of Japan's changing society. Among the public, there is now a longing for leaders with a communication style that is more effective, dynamic and inspiring, something not prevalent in the political culture here, they say.

Since late last year, economic recession has only deepened with no end in sight, and hope has been difficult to find. "There is a sense, why isn't there an Obama in Japan who can raise people's spirits," Mr. Yamamoto said. This year, as the Obama books were beginning to boom, the prime minister then, Taro Aso, was making a series of political gaffes, Mr. Yamamoto noted. They included misreading kanji, the Japanese characters, in public.

The Obama speech phenomenon peaked in the spring, observers say, and has given way to more books and magazines that focus on how Mr. Obama's communication skills might be adopted in Japan for business and political purposes.

Professor Nikaido himself has recently published a book called "Creating an Audience Frenzy: Learning From Obama's Strategic Oratory." At least half a dozen books and magazine covers of this kind have appeared in the past several months.

John R. Harris, a Canadian speechwriter who is based in Chiba, a Tokyo suburb, and who has worked with Japanese politicians, says he knows a good deal about the dire straits of political communication in Japan. The art is virtually nonexistent and is only beginning to be discovered, he said.

"Japan has not been serious about communication," he said. "In a Japanese company or political party or anyplace where Japanese come together as a group, the process is consensus-forming, and the outcome has to be consensus, and the consensus is internal. In that, the audience often gets forgotten."


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« VESTINE, UNE LEGENDE NOIRE » de Virginie Jouannet Roussel

« VESTINE, UNE LEGENDE NOIRE » de Virginie Jouannet Roussel


Jean-Michel LeBoulanger

 

Ces derniers jours, j’attendais avec impatience la sortie d’un livre : « Vestine, une légende noire » de Virginie Jouannet Roussel (Actes Sud Junior, Collection d’une seule voix).

J’attendais comme rarement j’avais attendu. Comme on attend avec impatience le prochain épisode d’une série télévisée américaine à succès. D’accord, la comparaison vaut ce qu’elle vaut, mais c’est pour vous dire l’impatience. 

Attendue parce que j’étais encore dans l’écho récent d’une écriture tout en dentelle, à la fois délicate et rude, au point complexe, mais dont la légèreté apparente habillait de sentiments à fleur de peau les superbes nouvelles de « L’amour est un carburant propre » (Editions Les 400 coups).

Bref, en parcourant les histoires de Virginie Jouannet Roussel, je découvrais une belle et rare écriture, une plume délicate et puissante à la fois. Comme des gifles sonores assénées par de jolies mitaines. 

Resté sur ma faim de trop peu après en avoir terminé la lecture, j’attendais donc la sortie de « Vestine, une légende noire » pour assouvir ma récente addiction.

Le jour J, je parcourus ma ville, de librairie en librairie, pour trouver l’objet-livre tant convoité. 

Échec sur toute la ligne !

En désespoir de cause, je me rendis dans un grand complexe dont je tairai le nom afin de ne pas faire de publicité.

Au rayon livres, deux vendeuses-conseilleuses-smicardes-rienàfoutred'habitude se mirent en quatre pour me le trouver. Finalement, après consultation sur ordinateur omniscient, l'une dit à l'autre qu'il était en HP. Je me demandai pourquoi ce livre, dont l'auteure m'avait paru tout à fait saine d'esprit, se retrouvait tout à coup en hôpital psy. On m'expliqua que c'était une classification et qu'on ne le commandait qu'à la demande. 

Puis la question qui tue : « Comment vous avez eu connaissance de la sortie du livre ? Article, voix de presse, radio, télé... ? »

― Non, je connais l'auteure, elle va sans doute être déçue de savoir qu'on ne trouve pas son livre ici. Elle qui aime tant la ville, qui projetait une signature, etc...

Air vexé du monsieur !

Air embarrassé des deux vendeuses.

― Euh, on va le commander alors... Tu le sors du HP, on le mettra en expo avec les sorties littéraires dès qu’on le recevra… 

Air satisfait du monsieur... 

Toujours est-il que je revenais bredouille. Dans l’urgence, celle que je m’étais fixée, je le commandai le jour même à un site web dont le nom, va savoir, est inspiré d’une tribu guerrière féminine dont l’absence partielle de sein ne devait rien enlever à leur charme.

Je le reçus le lendemain, en toute fin d’après-midi. Je me précipitai dessus, lus les premières pages… et je le refermai. 

Je compris rapidement que c’était du lourd, comme dit si élégamment mon fils, et qu’on ne sortait pas innocent, ni indemne, de ce récit.

Alors, je me mis à préparer posément « ma » lasagne pour le soir, pris l’apéro de fin de semaine, et ainsi mis en condition pour le soir, m’installai enfin confortablement dans mon vieux fauteuil club en cuir usé. Celui qui couine avec délice.

Et je suis parti dans l’aventure…

« Vestine, une légende noire » est le récit d’une fillette du Rwanda pendant les massacres de 1994. Ce sont les yeux de Vestine-Mukagatare qui nous conduisent sur le chemin de la peur et de la mort. Avec les images que l’on devine. Vraiment on les devine ?

Non ! Nous sommes au cœur des massacres, des débâcles incessantes devant les grands diables noirs à têtes d’hommes qui rient quand les têtes éclatent sous les balles. Ce sont les bébés rouges qui hurlent. Puis cessent de hurler. Et dans les rares répits, dans les lieux de hasard où la fuite nous a conduit, on joue avec la bande de gamins tout neuf qu’on n’a pas besoin d’aimer, parce qu’il ne faut pas s’attacher… 

La peur est si présente, si menante dans ce récit-nouvelle, qu’elle-même en arrive à se dissimuler sous une pierre, de peur. 

Vestine est aussi l’histoire d’une résilience. Comment affronter l’innommable et réussir à vivre ensuite avec les stigmates du passé, l’absence d’une jambe, amputée à l’issue des tueries ? Comment se reconstruire, revivre avec un nouveau nom, dans un autre pays ?

Avec des trous dans la mémoire, dont les pointillés sont comme des réponses sans les questions. Qui ? Pourquoi ?

Personne ne sort innocent de ce récit. Il nous renvoie à nos propres peurs, à nos lâchetés inavouées et prêtes à jaillir, notre désarroi devant la mort dans ce qu'elle a de plus inique et injuste, celle infligée par nos semblables, nos frères, ce terme pompeux, trompeur et fallacieux qui cache une autre réalité. Car nos frères tuent. Nous ne devrions pas être surpris 

puisque la bible nous l'enseigne avec Caïn et Abel. 

« L’œil était dans la tombe et regardait Caïn » disait le père Hugo. Ici l'œil devient froid et contemple les massacres... Avec pudeur, et avec force.

Virginie Jouannet Roussel met tout son talent d’écrivain dans ce récit puissant, dérangeant et généreux à la fois. 

À lire absolument.

 

« Vestine, une légende noire » de Virginie Jouannet Roussel (Actes Sud Junior, Collection d’une seule voix. 105 pages).

 

Jean-Michel LeBboulanger

 

Vestine, une légende noire chez Actes Sud

 


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Monday, October 12, 2009

OBAMA'S NOBEL SURPRISE by Hendrik Hertzberg

OBAMA'S NOBEL SURPRISE by Hendrik Hertzberg


If President Obama really had to get a gift postmarked Scandinavia this month, he would probably, on the whole, have preferred the Olympics. At least at the Olympics the judges wait till after the race to give you the gold medal. They don't force it on you while you're still waiting for the bus to take you to the stadium. They don't give it to you in anticipation of possible future feats of glory, like a signing bonus or an athletic scholarship. They don't award it as a form of gentle encouragement, like a parent calling "Good job!" to a toddler who's made it to the top rung of the monkey bars. It's not a plastic, made-in-China "participation" trophy handed out to everyone in the class as part of a program to boost self-esteem. It's not a door prize or a goody bag or a bowl of V.I.P. fruit courtesy of the hotel management. It's not a gold star. It's a gold medal.
We can take it as a sign of what a lucky fellow our President is that winning the Nobel Peace Prize has been widely counted a bad break for him. Barack Obama has come very far very fast. Five years ago, not long after finishing a distant second for a Chicago congressional nomination, he was still one of the hundred and seventy-seven members of the Illinois state legislature. Four years ago, he took his seat in the United States Senate, ushered there not only by his own undoubted talents but also by the serial self-destruction of his opponents. One year ago, he won the Presidency with a margin of victory—nine and a half million votes—that was the largest since 1984; absent the tailwind provided by his predecessor's abysmal record, however, that margin would have been far smaller, possibly even nonexistent. He is certainly one of fortune's favorites. He came into office on a tide of euphoria. Lately, though, his supporters have been experiencing a vague sense of disappointment. He may have saved the world from a second Great Depression and all that, but the jobless rate keeps on climbing, the planet keeps on heating up, Guantánamo keeps on not getting closed, and roadside bombs keep on exploding. He's had eight whole months, and he still hasn't signed a comprehensive health-care bill. Given that his perceived political problem is exaggerated expectations, does he really need a Nobel Peace Prize before he has actually made any peace?
The award to Obama illustrates, among other things, the difference between the "hard" and the "soft" Nobels. The prizes for physics, chemistry, and medicine are never given for trying, only for succeeding. Also, there is no apparent attempt to achieve regional, national, or ethnic balance. The same cannot be said of the literature prize, which frequently goes to authors who write in languages that few if any of the judges—eighteen grandees of the Swedish Academy—can read. Anyhow, literature is a matter of taste, which is why, among American writers, Pearl S. Buck was deemed worthy of the honor while Henry James was not. (The roster of literary losers, A to Z, also includes Auden, Borges, Conrad, Joyce, Kafka, Nabokov, Proust, Tolstoy, Twain, and Zola.) As for the relatively new economics prize (full name: the Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel), it is neither hard nor soft, just kind of mushy—a Golden Globe, not an Oscar.

The peace prize, first given in 1901, has always been the trickiest of the lot. For the first fifty years or so the judges, a five-member committee appointed by the Norwegian parliament, almost always honored a person or an organization devoted to working, in the words of Alfred Nobel's will, "for fraternity between nations, for the abolition or reduction of standing armies and for the holding and promotion of peace congresses"—a formula that excluded, for example, Mohandas Gandhi. After the Second World War, the judges' definition of peace grew more capacious, producing laureates like Martin Luther King, Jr., Aung San Suu Kyi, and the Dalai Lama. But the choice has always been, as a former chairman of the judging committee wrote in 2001, "to put it bluntly, a political act."
The chairman of the Republican National Committee would agree. He quickly fired off a fund-raising e-mail headed "Nobel Peace Prize for Awesomeness," calling the choice proof that "the Democrats and their international leftist allies want America made subservient to the agenda of global redistribution and control." A trifle overwrought? Perhaps. Still, to be fair to the chairman, there's little doubt that for eight years the most prominent figure hovering over the Nobel committee's deliberations was not any of the nominees under consideration; it was George W. Bush. Jimmy Carter richly deserved his belated prize—he is as responsible as were Anwar Sadat and Menachem Begin for the thirty years' peace between Israel and Egypt—and Al Gore, who sounded the tocsin on climate change, deserved his. But in neither case did the judges try very hard to hide their satisfaction in delivering a rebuke to Bush. This time their message was one of relief—and of hope and confidence, not just in Obama himself but in a United States that has reëmbraced, as the prize announcement put it, "that international policy and those attitudes for which Obama is now the world's leading spokesman."
A few hours after the news from Oslo, Obama, looking a little abashed, even a little uncomfortable, stepped up to a portable podium in the Rose Garden and spoke of the honor that had come to him so soon—too soon, even many of his admirers admit—and so unexpectedly. "Let me be clear," he said, and went on, first acknowledging the obvious:

To be honest, I do not feel that I deserve to be in the company of so many of the transformative figures who've been honored by this prize—men and women who've inspired me and inspired the entire world through their courageous pursuit of peace. But I also know that this prize reflects the kind of world that those men and women and all Americans want to build, a world that gives life to the promise of our founding documents. And I know that throughout history the Nobel Peace Prize has not just been used to honor specific achievement; it's also been used as a means to give momentum to a set of causes. And that is why I will accept this award as a call to action, a call for all nations to confront the common challenges of the twenty-first century. 

After a few more sombre words, he turned and walked back into the West Wing, there to attend another in a series of meetings on the strategy that he soon must set for the war in Afghanistan. The prize is won, but the peace, as always, is elusive.

OCTOBER 19, 2009

Tags
(Pres.) Barack Obama; Nobel Peace Prize; Prizes; Presidents; Literature Prizes; Lucky; Hope

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Sunday, October 11, 2009

Louis Armando Peña Soltren Is No Roman Polanski

Louis Armando Peña Soltren Is No Roman Polanski~~

On Return From Cuba, an Arrest in '68 Hijacking

 

A fugitive who has been living in Cuba for four decades to avoid prosecution for his role in an airline hijacking surrendered to federal law enforcement authorities in New York on Sunday, ending his distinction of being one of the F.B.I.'s longest-known fugitives.

Louis Armando Peña Soltren, 66, was arrested at 1:30 p.m. after debarking his plane from Havana, federal law enforcement officials said. An F.B.I. spokesman said Mr. Soltren had arranged his return toKennedy International Airport with the F.B.I. and State Department because he wanted to see his family, including his wife, who lived in either Puerto Rico or Florida. The authorities declined to provide additional details about the arrangement.

Nearly 41 years ago, Mr. Soltren had come to the very same airport, where he boarded Pan American Flight 281 bound for Puerto Rico on Nov. 24, 1968. As the plane was flying just south of Bermuda, carrying 96 passengers and seven crew members, Mr. Soltren stormed the cockpit with two other men, armed with guns and knives they had smuggled onboard in a baby's diaper bag, according to the decades-old indictment. (It was signed by the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, Robert M. Morgenthau, who was 49 at the time.)

The men ordered the pilot to change course for Havana — a startlingly common occurrence at the time. In 1968, more than 30 planes were hijacked or attempted to have been hijacked to Cuba, including two that day.

Passengers on the Pan Am flight described the plane being escorted by Cuban Air Force fighter jets as it approached the island. As it landed, Cuban soldiers cheered, according to news accounts at the time.

One of the hijackers had scrawled inside the plane, "Long live free Puerto Rico."

Over the next decade, Mr. Soltren's two accomplices were arrested and sentenced for their role in the hijacking, as they returned to the United States. But Mr. Soltren never left Cuba, where he was protected from prosecution. On an island full of fugitives from the United States government, he eventually became known as one of the longest staying guests. (In recent years the American government has estimated the number of federal fugitives in Cuba at about 70.)

Last month, Preet Bharara, the United States attorney for the Southern District, filed a request in United States District Court asking that the case against Mr. Soltren be activated, explaining: "The government believes that the defendant will be returning to the United States shortly."

In a statement, Mr. Bharara said that Mr. Soltren "will finally face the American justice system that he has been evading for four decades."

It was not immediately clear if the Cuban government played any role in Mr. Soltren's return. He faces charges that include air piracy and kidnapping, and could be sentenced to life in prison if convicted on all counts, said a spokesman for the United States attorney's office. He is being held at the Metropolitan Correctional Center and is scheduled to be arraigned Tuesday.

"It is an example of the principle that, for the F.B.I., fugitive cases don't become closed cases until the fugitive is brought to justice," Joseph M. Demarest Jr., the assistant director in charge of the F.B.I.'s New York office, said in a statement.

The two other men charged in the hijacking, Jose Rafael Rios Cruz and Miguel Castro, were sentenced to 15 and 12 years in prison respectively for threatening the lives of flight crew members. Two other men were arrested in relation to the case, though charges were only brought against Alejandro Figueroa, who was acquitted in a bench trial in 1969. Mr. Figueroa was described then as a leader of the Puerto Rican Movement for Liberation.

 

 http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/12/nyregion/12hijack.html?_r=1

 


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Saturday, October 10, 2009

Lying Face Of Republicanism

Lying Face Of Republicanism

By rectonoverso

Wilson-heckling

You win some, you lose some? South Carolina Republican Rep. Joe Wilson threw himself into infamy (No. 1 trending topic on Twitter Wednesday night) by yelling "You lie!" during President Obama's health-care speech to Congress. The heckling was in response to the president's assertion that a public-insurance option would not cover illegal immigrants. Sen. John McCain quickly denounced the outburst while being interviewed on Larry King Live, saying it was "totally disrespectful. [Wilson] should apologize immediately." Looks like Joe was listening: Wilson issued a red-faced apology for his "lack of civility" later last night. "I let my emotions get the best of me… While I disagree with the president's statement, my comments were inappropriate and regrettable." Politico notes that Wilson's outburst violates House Republicans' rules of decorum, which bars presidential insults "such as referring to him as a 'hypocrite' or a 'liar.'"

I personally don't mind incivility, it sometimes is appropriate. (I for example wish someone had stood up during the 2003 "State of the Union" to yell "liar!" when Bush claimed Saddam Hussein had sought uranium from Africa). What bothers me is that it was he, Rep Wilson, who was barefacedly lying

The health care reform does not create the reality Wilson claims it would, on the contrary. Uninsured illegal immigrants get emergency care just like any other uninsured person in this country. That is what we have now. If illegal immigrants were to enter the public plan, they would have to buy into it and risk being detected.

This incident is typical of the degenerate state the GOP has fallen into. Unable to come up with proposals to the problems the country faces, they are reduced to purely disruptive tactics. It's no good for the country when the minority doesn't do its constructive opposition job, it lets the majority wander on along unrealistic avenues which should be challenged to get the best possible solution.

Update (9.12.2009)
The first point I will make clear is that Rep Wilson was lying with his outburst. From FactCheck.org:

One Republican congressman issued a press release claiming that "5,600,000 Illegal Aliens May Be Covered Under Obamacare," and we've been peppered with queries about similar claims. They're not true. In fact, the House bill (the only bill to be formally introduced in its entirety) specifically says that no federal money would be spent on giving illegal immigrants health coverage:
Also, under current law, those in the country illegally don't qualify for federal health programs. Of interest: About half of illegal immigrants have health insurance now, according to the nonpartisan Pew Hispanic Center, which says those who lack insurance do so principally because their employers don't offer it.

The second point I would make is underline this gentleman's hypocrisy. In effect, the supreme irony that he who made himself a name had himself voted for health care benefits for illegal immigrants.

Finally, I will also point out that if the GOP had listened like David Brooks did, they would have seen there is room to bring in Conservative ideas. Heckling lies however is not the way to go.


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What Is an Andy Warhol?

What Is an Andy Warhol?

By Richard Dorment

Andy Warhol

by Arthur C. Danto

Yale University Press, 162 pp., $24.00

Pop: The Genius of Andy Warhol

by Tony Scherman and David Dalton

Harper, 528 pp., $40.00 (to be published November 1)

I Sold Andy Warhol (Too Soon)

by Richard Polsky

Other Press, 268 pp., $23.95

Joe Simon-Whelan et al. v. the Andy Warhol Foundation for the Visual Arts, Inc., et al.

Joe Simon-Whelan, Individually and On Behalf of All Others Similarly Situated, Plaintiffs v. the Andy Warhol Foundation for the Visual Arts, Inc., the Estate of Andy Warhol, Vincent Fremont, Individually and as Successor Executor for the Estate of Andy Warhol, Vincent Fremont Enterprises, the Andy Warhol Art Authentication Board, Inc., John Does 1–20, Jane Does 1–10, and Richard Roes 1–10, Defendants, United States District Court, Southern District of New York

1.

In his entertaining memoir Younger Brother, Younger Son (1997), Colin Clark, a son of the art historian Kenneth Clark, recounts a story from his time working as a production assistant on the film The Prince and the Showgirl. To explain why Marilyn Monroe came across far more vividly on screen than her classically trained costar Laurence Olivier, Clark observed that, in front of the cameras, she knew how to speak a language an actor trained for the stage simply could not understand. To Olivier's fury and frustration, the less the Hollywood goddess appeared to act, the more she lit up the screen. "Some years later," Clark continues,

I experienced a similar situation when I took my father to the studio of the Pop artist Andy Warhol in New York. My father was an art historian of the old school, used to the canvasses of Rembrandt and Titian. He simply could not conceive that Andy's silk-screened Brillo boxes were serious art.

Just as Monroe understood that you don't have to act for the camera in the way the stage-trained Olivier defined acting, so Warhol realized that you don't need to make art for an audience brought up on film and television in the way Kenneth Clark defined art. Actress and artist grasped that in the modern world, presentation counts for more than substance. The less you do, the greater may be the impact.

What defeated Kenneth Clark about Warhol's paintings was not only their banal subject matter but also the means he used to make them. Before it is anything else, Warhol's portrait of Marilyn Monroe is a silk screen, a simple reproductive technique in which the artist or craftsman stencils a design onto an acetate plate and then fits the plate into a meshed screen. When ink or paint is forced through the mesh, the design is transferred onto fabric or paper.[1]

Late in 1962 Warhol started to transfer silk-screen images onto canvas to make paintings. Other American artists, notably Roy Lichtenstein and James Rosenquist, were already painting images they found in comic strips and on billboards. It was not, therefore, Warhol's subject matter that constituted the significant breakthrough in his early work but his decision to make fine art using a technique primarily associated with printmaking and with cheap commercial products such as T-shirts and greeting cards. Warhol's friend Henry Geldzahler, a curator at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, recognized that the artist's two great innovations were "to bring commercial art into fine art" and "to take printing techniques into painting. Andy's prints and paintings are exactly the same thing. No one had ever done that before. It was an amazing thing to do."

After his early experiments painting cartoon characters and Coca-Cola bottles in the loose, drippy style of the Abstract Expressionists, Warhol liked the grainy, slightly out-of-register images produced by a silk screen because, he said, "I wanted something...that gave more of an assembly-line effect." Warhol's new paintings didn't look as though they were painted by hand; they looked like mechanically reproduced photos in cheap tabloid newspapers.

A silk-screened image is flat, and without depth or volume. This perfectly suited Warhol because in painting Marilyn Monroe he wasn't painting a woman of flesh, blood, and psychological complexity but a publicity photograph of a commodity created in a Hollywood studio. As Colin Clark's anecdote suggests, you can't look at Warhol's Marilyn in the same way that you look at a painting by Rembrandt or Titian because Warhol isn't interested in any of the things those artists were—the representation of material reality, the exploration of character, or the creation of pictorial illusion.

Warhol asked different questions about art. How does it differ from any other commodity? What value do we place on originality, invention, rarity, and the uniqueness of the art object? To do this he revisited long-neglected artistic genres such as history painting in his disaster series, still life in his soup cans and Brillo boxes, and the society portrait in Ethel Scull Thirty-Six Times. Though Warhol isn't always seen as a conceptual artist, his most perceptive critic, Arthur C. Danto, calls him "the nearest thing to a philosophical genius the history of art has produced."

Silk screen also enabled Warhol to produce serial images—that is, to choose a motif and then reproduce it repeatedly by silk-screening it in different color combinations. In a conventional printmaking process like etching, the artist makes a limited number of impressions, then destroys the copper plate. But Warhol's series are not finite in this way. The number of finished works he made depended on how many he needed, or thought he could sell.

Pop: The Genius of Andy Warhol, their fascinating study of Warhol's rise from commercial artist to the most celebrated painter and filmmaker in 1960s America, Tony Scherman and David Dalton are clear that Warhol's move from painting his pictures by hand to photo silk-screening was at the heart of his artistic achievement:

Traditional, manual virtuosity no longer mattered. The fact that Warhol could draw had no bearing on his art now: how an artwork was made ceased to be a criterion of its quality. The result alone mattered: whether or not it was a striking image. Making art became a series of mental decisions, the most crucial of which was choosing the right source image:—as Warhol would contend some years later, "The selection of the images is the most important and is the fruit of the imagination."

Throughout the 1960s Warhol was personally involved in choosing, mixing, and applying the paint in most of the silk-screened works. But it was also his frequent practice to delegate the manual task of silk-screening an image onto canvas to his assistants Gerard Malanga and Billy Name. Malanga has said that in the summer of 1963 he was responsible for painting several canvases, including some Electric Chairs, entirely by himself. The following year Warhol told a journalist from Glamour magazine, "I'm becoming a factory," and of course the building he worked in wasn't called the "Studio" but the "Factory."

Those who witnessed Warhol at work on a daily basis in these years—Malanga, Billy Name, his manager Paul Morrissey, and his primary assistant from 1972 to 1982, Ronnie Cutrone—all attest that, just as you'd expect from a mind as restless, inventive, and original as Warhol's, the degree of his intervention in the creation of a painting varied—not only from series to series, but also from painting to painting within the same series.[2]

By the 1970s Warhol no longer had any sustained involvement in the mass production of his paintings. In his book about Warhol, Holy Terror, Bob Colacello quotes Warhol's longtime printer Rupert Smith:

We had so much work that even Augusto [the security man] was doing the painting. We were so busy, Andy and I did everything over the phone. We called it "art by telephone."[3]

One person they were calling was Horst Weber von Beeren, who was responsible for painting many of Warhol's later works in a studio in Tribeca (and not at the Factory in Union Square). He has said that Warhol's primary role in the creation of these paintings was simply to sign them when they were sold.[4] The artist had come to realize that a painting could be an original Andy Warhol whether or not he ever touched it.

In fact, Warhol had long been familiar with this arm's-length working method. In his days as a successful commercial fashion illustrator, his job was simply to make the drawing and hand it over to the art director, not to become involved in the layout. Scherman and Dalton quote Tina Fredericks, the art director at Glamour who gave Warhol his first New York job: "He didn't care about that stuff—'Will my drawing be displayed big enough? Are you going to shrink it down?' You could say to him, 'We want this,' and he'd just do it, he'd understand."

Moreover, in his early fashion drawings Warhol developed a technique of blotting his initial design onto high-quality paper in such a way that his pen nib never touched the final drawing. "In fact," Scherman and Dalton continue,

the original mattered so little to Warhol that he didn't even draw it—his longtime assistant Nathan Gluck made the first sketch, rubbed it down to make the tracing, and hinged the tracing to the Strathmore [a brand of high quality drawing paper]. Andy entered only for the coup de grâce, the inking and blotting.... What remained constant throughout Warhol's career, whether he drew, painted, or silk-screened photographs, was his fascination with the simulacrum, the copy, the second-generation image. In commercial art, the division of labor is the norm. When Andy began using it in fine art in the sixties, he undermined the myth of the auteur, the sole, and solitary, fount of art.

n this conceptual approach to making art, Warhol inherited the legacy of Marcel Duchamp, an artist he knew, admired, painted, and filmed. Like Duchamp's ready-mades, the ultimate importance of a work by Warhol is not who physically made each object, but the ideas it generates. As the son of immigrants, Warhol in his early works returned again and again to the theme of America itself. What else are the paintings of cheap advertisements for nose jobs and dance lessons concerned with if not the American dream and the price of conformity it exacts? As soon as he'd examined the American obsession with celebrity and glamour in the portraits of Elizabeth Taylor and Marilyn Monroe, he was quick to show its race riots and electric chair. Unlike Duchamp's, his was a highly public art, one that criss-crossed between high art, popular culture, commerce, and daily life.

Everything that passed before Warhol's basilisk gaze—celebrities, socialites, speed freaks, rock bands, film, and fashion—he imprinted with his deadpan mixture of glamour and humor, then cast them back into the world as narcissistic reflections of his own personality. This is what makes him one of the most complex and elusive figures in the history of art. As Danto explains in his brilliant short study of Warhol, the question Warhol asked is not "What is art?" but "What is the difference between two things, exactly alike, one of which is art and one of which is not?"

2.

That is very like the question at the heart of a class-action lawsuit brought by the film producer Joe Simon-Whelan and other yet-to-be-named plaintiffs against the Andy Warhol Foundation for the Visual Arts, Inc., and the Andy Warhol Art Authentication Board, Inc., which is the committee that was set up eight years after the artist's death in 1987 to pronounce on the authenticity of his work. The case revolves around a series of ten identical silk-screened self-portraits from 1965 (Red Self Portraits), one of which is owned by the plaintiff and all of which the authentication board has declared are not by Warhol. The background to the case, which has become something of a cause célèbre among dealers, curators, and critics on both sides of the Atlantic, is discussed in detail in I Sold Andy Warhol (Too Soon), Richard Polsky's breezy memoir of the art market before the economic crash. New developments can be followed in Simon-Whelan's crusading Web site www .myandywarhol.com.

The Red Self Portraits are among Warhol's best-known works, endlessly reproduced in books about the artist and on exhibition posters. Based on an image taken in an automatic photo booth, the portrait shows Warhol's head and shoulders head-on and slightly from below, a pose much like those in two other important works from this period, the mug shots he used in Thirteen Most Wanted Men and the anonymous young man in his underground film Blow Job. Warhol presents himself as insolent and impassive, in the take-it-or-leave-it stance of the hustler or gangster. Out of register, like a color TV on the blink, the person in the portrait is a new kind of human being, one trapped in some fathomless, unreal televisual space, without physical mass or emotional depth. The dead, unseeing eyes in the self-portrait suggest that he was perfectly serious when he said, "If you want to know all about Andy Warhol, just look at the surface: of my paintings and films and me, and there I am. There's nothing behind it."

As usual in making a silk screen, Warhol started by having the photo transferred to acetate plates. From these acetates he made two series of self-portraits. The first, which he began in the spring of 1964, consists of eleven self-portraits printed on linen, with several different background colors. These the authentication board considers genuine. The following year, a second series was printed from the same acetates on cotton, each with the same red background. The board denies the authenticity of this second series because Warhol was not present when they were printed.

What happened is that Warhol gave the acetates to the publisher Richard Ekstract in exchange for the use of the expensive Norelco video equipment that Ekstract had loaned him to make his first, groundbreaking videos. Prompted by Morrissey (who asked Warhol "why he didn't save money by having the silk screen factory do the entire job with his instructions for all of his images"), Warhol told Ekstract to send the acetates to a commercial printer for silk-screening. Morrissey further says that Warhol spoke to the printer over the phone to give him specific, detailed instructions regarding the colors he wanted the printer to use. Both Warhol and Morrissey communicated with the printer, but Morrissey is clear that neither was present during the silk-screening process.[5] After the printing, Ekstract returned the acetates to Warhol.

The second series is printed on white cotton duck. Its surfaces are slightly flatter, which makes the images look more machine-made than the ones in the first series because there is no evidence of the artist's hand in the form of under-drawing or paint texture. The effect pleased Warhol. Sam Green, the curator of Warhol's famous retrospective that opened at the ICA in Philadelphia on October 8, 1965, did not wish to include the Red Self Portrait in the exhibition

because it seemed too "manufactured" to go with the other paintings. Andy was pushing for it, though, because he said it exemplified his new technique for having works produced without his personal touch: he wanted to get away from that.[6]

The ten self-portraits in the second series were exhibited at a party Ekstract gave on September 29, 1965, both to celebrate the premiere of Warhol's first video with Edie Sedgwick and to launch Ekstract's magazine, Tape Recording. When the party was over, Warhol gave the self-portraits as a form of payment to Ekstract, who in turn took one for himself, gave two to the printer, and presented the rest to the people who had helped with the videotaping.[7]

o far, it might be possible to argue that whatever Warhol's working practice was later in his career, the second series of self-portraits is not authentic because he was not present when they were printed. But this argument is undermined by one overwhelming fact: one picture in the series, now owned by the London collector Anthony d'Offay, is signed and dated by Warhol, and dedicated in his own handwriting to his longtime business partner, the Zurich-based art dealer Bruno Bischofberger ("To Bruno B Andy Warhol 1969"). Since the Renaissance, a signature is the way artists such as Mantegna and Titian acknowledge the authenticity of their work.

As if this were not enough to authenticate the work, the Bischofberger self-portrait appeared in Rainer Crone's 1970 catalogue raisonné of Warhol's work and is reproduced in color on the jacket. Crone is a highly respected independent scholar who worked closely with Warhol over a two-year period to compile this catalogue raisonné. Anthony d'Offay, who was Warhol's dealer in London, writes in his statement about the "Bruno B Self-Portrait":

When Andy Warhol came to London for his show with us in 1986, he signed in my presence our copy of Crone's book in two places: one signature was across the dust-wrapper [cover] which reproduces our "Bruno B" Self Portrait eight times. The other was on the book's half-title.

It is important to realise that Crone and Warhol together chose the "Bruno B" Self Portrait for the cover of the book and Andy Warhol's signature across the "Bruno B" image on the dust jacket is further unequivocal evidence that Warhol not only was authenticating the work, but remained extremely proud of it.

On page 294, the catalog entry (no 169) for the "Bruno B" Self Portrait makes it clear that this is the picture that appears on the front cover of the book and was owned at the time by Bruno Bischofberger.

It is unthinkable that Warhol would have signed the book and the image if there was the smallest doubt in his mind that the work was not authentic. The combination of the dedication on the back of the painting with the choice of that image for the cover of the catalog raisonné, together with his further endorsement of the image by signing across it leave no room whatsoever for any doubt as to the authenticity of the work and the artist's intention.

In the letter denying that d'Offay's picture is genuine (May 21, 2003), the board writes, "It is the opinion of the authentication board that said work is NOT the work of Andy Warhol, but that said work was signed, dedicated, and dated by him."

We are now in the realms of farce—and there is more to come. In 2004, the Warhol Foundation copublished its own updated catalogue raisonné with Thomas Ammann AG, a firm of Zurich-based art dealers heavily involved in the sale of Warhol's work. In it, the authors, all of whom who are paid either by the Warhol Foundation or by Thomas Ammann AG, silently omit all mention of the Bischofberger self-portrait, even in a footnote or an appendix. A picture that existed in 1970 has been made to vanish: so much for scholarly rigor.

This may be the first time in history that a signed, dated, and dedicated painting personally approved by an artist for the cover of his first major monograph, which included a catalogue raisonné of his works, has been removed from his oeuvre by those he did not personally appoint. Although Rainer Crone has worked closely with the artist and possesses an important archive of the work they did together, at no time was he consulted by the compilers of the 2004 catalogue raisonné. In a statement of August 14, 2009, Crone writes, "I am aware of no other instance in which a revised catalog raisonné omits a hitherto accepted work without explanation."

When challenged to explain why it continues to deny the authenticity of works in this series, the board replied in a letter of October 2004 that it

knows of no independent verifiable documentation from the period in question, 1964 through to 1965, to indicate or suggest that Warhol sanctioned or authorized anyone to make the work.

But how is it possible to say this? Quite apart from his signature and dedication, there are on record numerous statements from Warhol employees, assistants, and his manager all supporting the evidence regarding Warhol's intentions about the series.

Few artists in the twentieth century were as restlessly experimental as Warhol. This ruling by the board represents a complete misunderstanding of the very nature of what he achieved, and how his approach to making his work changed Western art. Innovation has to start somewhere, and it is precisely becausethe 1965 Red Self Portraits were made without Warhol's on-the-spot supervision that they are so critically important. They are the kind of transitional works museums and collectors particularly value because they show Warhol groping toward the working method he would adopt in the following decade, when his participation in the creation of his own paintings was often limited to choosing the image and signing the picture.

3.

The single most important thing you can say about a work of art is that it is real, that the artist to whom it is attributed made it. Until you are certain that a work of art is authentic, it is impossible to say much else that is meaningful about it. The separation of the real from the fake is the cornerstone on which our understanding of any artist's work is based. The very nature of the silk-screening process makes Warhol a particularly easy artist to fake because there is virtually no difference between the appearance of a silk screen that Andy Warhol made with his own hands and one that an assistant might have run off after-hours. From early on, Warhol signed some works and used a stamp of his signature on others—but sometimes he didn't sign a work at all.

The task of an authentication board for Warhol's works is therefore not easy. But decisions like the one about the "Bruno B Self Portrait" at best raise doubts about this board's competence and at worst about its integrity. For with assets in the region of $500 million worth of art, the Andy Warhol Foundation funds its charitable activities by selling the works it owns. This has left it open to the accusation that it is in the foundation's financial interest to control the market in Warhols. Simon-Whelan's lawsuit alleges that the board routinely denies the authenticity of works by Warhol in order to restrict the number of Warhols on the market and thereby to increase the value of its holdings.

Whether this is true or not I can't say because, unlike any other authentication board that I'm familiar with, this one operates in secret, and is not required to divulge the reasons why a work has not been authenticated. Before it will look at a work submitted to it, the owners must sign a document saying that they will not challenge its verdict in court. Nor is the board obliged to reveal the reason for its decisions, even reserving the right to deauthenticate works that it has already authenticated, and to reinstate works it has already denied.

When a work is deemed not to be by Warhol, it is mutilated by stamping it in ink on the reverse with the word "DENIED"—thereby rendering the picture unsaleable even if the board later changes its mind. Although a lawyer for the board has said that no one forces applicants to submit works for authentication, no auction house or dealer will handle a work whose authenticity the board has questioned. A painting stamped DENIED is worthless.

Normally, authentication boards consist of independent experts who have spent their lifetime studying and familiarizing themselves with the work of a particular artist. Often they are made up of former studio assistants, a spouse, and art historians who have organized major shows and written extensively about that artist.[8] But the two longest-serving members of the Warhol board are Neil Printz, a teacher at Caldwell College in New Jersey, and Sally King-Nero, curator of drawings at the Andy Warhol Foundation. We've already seen one example of the standard of their scholarship, and neither can be said to have independent status since both are also editors of the catalogue raisonné that is paid for with funds from the Andy Warhol Foundation and the Thomas Ammann firm (Thomas Ammann died in 1993).[9] Vincent Fremont, a former Warhol assistant whom the foundation appointed exclusive sales agent for its paintings, and who personally takes a commission on each sale, is a "consultant" to the authentication board. In his lawsuit, Simon-Whelan says that defendants in his case also enforce their control over the market for Warhol works through a select group of powerful galleries and dealers who enjoy a special relationship with Fremont, the foundation, and the authentication board.

Over the years, a number of respected writers and scholars have joined the authentication board. Some have written about or helped organize exhibitions of Warhol's work, but none has had expertise in the authentication of his work or firsthand knowledge of his working methods. In the light of cases like theRed Self Portraits, this has led to the suspicion that the real role of the outside scholars and curators has been to lend credibility to decisions made by Printz and Sally King-Nero in consultation with Fremont.

The Andy Warhol Foundation is packed with lawyers, and with hundreds of millions of dollars it has all the time in the world to fight lawsuits like Simon-Whelan's, drawing them out until their opponents run out of money. So far, it has been impossible for ordinary people to challenge its decisions. But there may now be hope for those whose works have been denied without explanation and for no creditable reason. In May federal judge Laura Taylor Swain, in deciding against the Warhol Foundation's motion to dismiss Simon-Whelan's case, gave the plaintiffs the all-important right of "discovery" so that the authentication board's long-suppressed methods of reaching its decisions can now be brought to light. If the plaintiffs are successful, this case has the potential to break the stranglehold the board has had on the authentication of Warhol's work.

One person who will be following the case with close attention is Tate director Sir Nicholas Serota. In 2008 Anthony d'Offay sold his collection of contemporary art to the English nation (accepting £28 million for a collection then conservatively estimated to be worth £125 million), an act Prime Minister Gordon Brown called "the greatest gift this country has ever received from a private individual." Among the many works d'Offay included in the donation was the self-portrait signed by Warhol and dedicated to "Bruno B." Until its status is resolved, d'Offay has been forced to withdraw the painting.

—September 23, 2009

Notes

[1]Until the twentieth century the stencils used for silk-screening had to be cut by hand, but around 1910 a new technique of photo stenciling greatly expanded the usefulness of the silk-screening process in commercial design. Warhol would clip a photo from a newspaper or use a photo he'd taken himself. This would be sent to a lab to create a "negative" that Warhol would work on. When finished, this was sent to a silk-screening lab to create the screens that were use to print the image on the canvas. Multicolored prints required multiple silk screens.

[2]Of Warhol's increasing reliance on assistants, Malanga says:

In 1965 Warhol stepped up his film making and as Andy advanced with his work he came more and more to rely on a less "hands on" approach, at least he made an attempt. He was early on often quoted in the press as wanting to be a "machine." It was a metaphor for eliminating authorship. It was also his way of shedding attachments, both physical and emotional. He gradually moved away from the physicality of painting; the silkscreen would in a way erase all vestiges of the human touch....

"Long Day's Journey into the Past: Gunnar B. Kvaran speaks with Gerard Malanga," in Andy Warhol by Andy Warhol (Rizzoli, 2009), p. 163, catalog from the exhibition at Astrup Fearnley Museum of Modern Art, Oslo, 2008.

[3]Bob Colacello, Holy Terror: Andy Warhol Close Up (Cooper Square Press, 1990), p. 478.

[4]BBC1 television program "Imagine," January 24, 2006.

[5]Statement by Paul Morrissey made to the Andy Warhol Authentication board on November 1, 2002.

[6]Statement of Sam Green to the Andy Warhol Authentication Board, January 30, 2003.

[7]At this date an original painting by Andy Warhol was not worth very much, and Warhol often bartered his paintings for services—for example to settle dentist and lawyer's bills, his restaurant tab at Max's Kansas City, or in payment for arranging a recording session for his band, the Velvet Underground.

[8]In Warhol's case one might expect to find scholars of the stature of Rainer Crone, Whitney curator Donna De Salvo, who organized Tate Modern's magisterial Warhol retrospective in 2002, or Tom Sokolowski, who is director of the Andy Warhol Museum in Pittsburgh.

[9]Warhol: Paintings and Sculpture 1964–1969 volume 2, The Andy Warhol Catalog Raisonnee (New York and London, 1970), edited by Neil Printz and Sally King-Nero, both members of Andy Warhol authentication committee, and Georg Frie, an art dealer with Thomas Ammann AG, Zurich Fine Arts.

 

http://www.nybooks.com/articles/23153


Image by mandelbrotia@http://mandelbrotia.blogspot.com/ 


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Thursday, October 8, 2009

The French Culture Minister: A Friend to Polanski — and Young Boys Too?

 The French Culture Minister: A Friend to Polanski — and Young Boys Too?

 

 

Score it as the first serious collateral damage stemming from the ongoing detention of film director Roman Polanski. Just two weeks after his impassioned protest of Polanski's Sept. 26 arrest, French Culture Minister Frédéric Mitterrand finds himself under attack for his description of sex during trips to Thailand, which critics called sex tourism. Mitterrand, the nephew of late Socialist President Francois Mitterrand, wrote about sex trips in a 2005 novel, detailing paying "boys" for sex. At the time the book was printed, the publisher's official description of La Mauvaise Vie (The Bad Life) unabashedly said the main character "greatly resembles" Mitterrand. Now detractors are using those admissions to call for his resignation.

The tempest broke on Thursday, after video clips of a television debate broadcast three days earlier were posted on the Internet. In the clips, far-right wing politician Marine Le Pen reads truncated extracts from Mitterrand's novel, including passages in which Mitterrand describes visits to Thai clubs and brothels to procure sex from prostitutes he at times calls "boys" and "young boys." "The profusion of young, very attractive and immediately available boys put me in a state of desire that I no longer needed to restrain or hide," Mitterrand writes.(See pictures of the French crackdown on migrants.)

In the broadcast, Le Pen — favored to succeed her father Jean-Marie Le Pen as leader of the far right National Front party — voices her outrage at Mitterrand's accounts, and demands he resign the culture portfolio. Le Pen has been critical of public figures in France who rushed to defend Polanski following his arrest in Switzerland on U.S. arrest warrants for his 1997 guilty plea to criminal charges of having sex with a minor in 1977.

But it's not just the far right calling for Mitterrand's head. Socialist Party spokesman Benoit Hamon echoed Le Pen's criticism of the Culture Minister. Hamon said he was "violently shocked that a man could justify sexual tourism under the cover of literature". He also lamented that even as France and Thailand work together to halt western exploitation of Asian sex workers, "here comes a government minister to explain how he himself is a consumer of it." Several other Socialist party officials expressed concerns and demanded Mitterrand explain himself or resign.

Conservatives from the ruling center-right Union for a Popular Majority backed Mitterrand. On Thursday evening, a close aide to Nicolas Sarkozy said the French president backed his culture minister and described the controversy around him as "pathetic." A few of Mitterrand's backers noted that while disturbing in parts, The Bad Life has been hailed by critics both for its literary boldness and its provocative examination of homosexuality. Mitterrand, who was tapped for the Culture Ministry job by President Nicolas Sarkozy in June, has long been open about his sexuality. His defenders note that the current hubbub over the book was notably absent when it came out four years ago. "I don't see why we dredge up such a pathetic polemic after such a long time," Sarkozy adviser Henri Guaino told French television. "Is he on trial, has he committed a crime?"

His detractors point out that sleeping with minors is indeed a crime — and that if, as Mitterrand's book suggests, that is what he did, he should step down. But Mitterrand has always maintained his novel was intended as a kind of full-disclosure of things he'd seen and experienced. While the portion of the book dealing with prostitution might worry some readers — "I got into the habit of paying for boys," he writes — Mitterrand argues that his use of "boy" referred to younger men rather than minors. Many older gay men use the expression in that way, he says. "If the National Front drags me through the mud, it's an honor," Mitterrand said. "But if a leftist legislator is dragging me through the mud, he should be ashamed."

On French television on Thursday night, Mitterrand condemned pedophilia and sex tourism, and said that the men he paid for sex were his own age. He accused his critics of failing to distinguish between homosexuality and pedophilia.

Despite the usual refusal of the left to deal with Le Pen, overlapping motives are driving the common offensive by traditional political enemies. "It's above all the first direct political consequence of the Polanski case, in which Frédéric Mitterrand became iconic of the elites defending him [Polanski] by immediately thrusting himself to the heart of the controversy," says political commentator Alain Duhamel. "Some resent him as the living legacy of Mitterrand. The left is still furious at him for agreeing to serve under Sarkozy. Still others want to make him pay for his sophisticated and cultured persona, and colorful private life that he's intentionally used to provoke people with over the years." Mitterrand may yet save his job now that he has denied sex with minors and condemned the sexual tourism he's admitted to. However, serious questions will remain about his judgment.

  http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1929246,00.html 

 


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A Library to Last Forever by Sergei Brin

A Library to Last Forever

 

 by Sergei Brin

 

"THE fundamental reasons why the electric car has not attained the popularity it deserves are (1) The failure of the manufacturers to properly educate the general public regarding the wonderful utility of the electric; (2) The failure of [power companies] to make it easy to own and operate the electric by an adequate distribution of charging and boosting stations. The early electrics of limited speed, range and utility produced popular impressions which still exist."

This quotation would hardly surprise anyone who follows electric vehicles. But it may be surprising to hear that in the year when it was written thousands of electric cars were produced and that year was nearly a century ago. This appeared in a 1916 issue of the journal Electrical World, which I found in Google Books, our searchable repository of millions of books. It may seem strange to look back a hundred years on a topic that is so contemporary, yet I often find that the past has valuable lessons for the future. In this case, I was lucky — electric vehicles were studied and written about extensively early in the 20th century, and there are many books on the subject from which to choose. Because books published before 1923 are in the public domain, I am able to view them easily.

But the vast majority of books ever written are not accessible to anyone except the most tenacious researchers at premier academic libraries. Books written after 1923 quickly disappear into a literary black hole. With rare exceptions, one can buy them only for the small number of years they are in print. After that, they are found only in a vanishing number of libraries and used book stores. As the years pass, contracts get lost and forgotten, authors and publishers disappear, the rights holders become impossible to track down.

Inevitably, the few remaining copies of the books are left to deteriorate slowly or are lost to fires, floods and other disasters. While I was at Stanford in 1998, floods damaged or destroyed tens of thousands of books. Unfortunately, such events are not uncommon — a similar flood happened at Stanford just 20 years prior. You could read about it in The Stanford-Lockheed Meyer Library Flood Report, published in 1980, but this book itself is no longer available.

Because books are such an important part of the world's collective knowledge and cultural heritage, Larry Page, the co-founder of Google, first proposed that we digitize all books a decade ago, when we were a fledgling startup. At the time, it was viewed as so ambitious and challenging a project that we were unable to attract anyone to work on it. But five years later, in 2004, Google Books (then called Google Print) was born, allowing users to search hundreds of thousands of books. Today, they number over 10 million and counting.

The next year we were sued by the Authors Guild and the Association of American Publishers over the project. While we have had disagreements, we have a common goal — to unlock the wisdom held in the enormous number of out-of-print books, while fairly compensating the rights holders. As a result, we were able to work together to devise a settlement that accomplishes our shared vision. While this settlement is a win-win for authors, publishers and Google, the real winners are the readers who will now have access to a greatly expanded world of books.

There has been some debate about the settlement, and many groups have offered their opinions, both for and against. I would like to take this opportunity to dispel some myths about the agreement and to share why I am proud of this undertaking. This agreement aims to make millions of out-of-print but in-copyright books available either for a fee or for free with ad support, with the majority of the revenue flowing back to the rights holders, be they authors or publishers.

Some have claimed that this agreement is a form of compulsory license because, as in most class action settlements, it applies to all members of the class who do not opt out by a certain date. The reality is that rights holders can at any time set pricing and access rights for their works or withdraw them from Google Books altogether. For those books whose rights holders have not yet come forward, reasonable default pricing and access policies are assumed. This allows access to the many orphan works whose owners have not yet been found and accumulates revenue for the rights holders, giving them an incentive to step forward.

Others have questioned the impact of the agreement on competition, or asserted that it would limit consumer choice with respect to out-of-print books. In reality, nothing in this agreement precludes any other company or organization from pursuing their own similar effort. The agreement limits consumer choice in out-of-print books about as much as it limits consumer choice in unicorns. Today, if you want to access a typical out-of-print book, you have only one choice — fly to one of a handful of leading libraries in the country and hope to find it in the stacks.

I wish there were a hundred services with which I could easily look at such a book; it would have saved me a lot of time, and it would have spared Google a tremendous amount of effort. But despite a number of important digitization efforts to date (Google has even helped fund others, including some by the Library of Congress), none have been at a comparable scale, simply because no one else has chosen to invest the requisite resources. At least one such service will have to exist if there are ever to be one hundred.

If Google Books is successful, others will follow. And they will have an easier path: this agreement creates a books rights registry that will encourage rights holders to come forward and will provide a convenient way for other projects to obtain permissions. While new projects will not immediately have the same rights to orphan works, the agreement will be a beacon of compromise in case of a similar lawsuit, and it will serve as a precedent for orphan works legislation, which Google has always supported and will continue to support.

Last, there have been objections to specific aspects of the Google Books product and the future service as planned under the settlement, including questions about the quality of bibliographic information, our choice of classification system and the details of our privacy policy. These are all valid questions, and being a company that obsesses over the quality of our products, we are working hard to address them — improving bibliographic information and categorization, and further detailing our privacy policy. And if we don't get our product right, then others will. But one thing that is sure to halt any such progress is to have no settlement at all.

In the Insurance Year Book 1880-1881, which I found on Google Books, Cornelius Walford chronicles the destruction of dozens of libraries and millions of books, in the hope that such a record will "impress the necessity of something being done" to preserve them. The famous library at Alexandria burned three times, in 48 B.C., A.D. 273 and A.D. 640, as did the Library of Congress, where a fire in 1851 destroyed two-thirds of the collection.

I hope such destruction never happens again, but history would suggest otherwise. More important, even if our cultural heritage stays intact in the world's foremost libraries, it is effectively lost if no one can access it easily. Many companies, libraries and organizations will play a role in saving and making available the works of the 20th century. Together, authors, publishers and Google are taking just one step toward this goal, but it's an important step. Let's not miss this opportunity.

Sergey Brin is the co-founder and technology president of Google.

 

By SERGEY BRIN

Published: October 8, 2009

Mountain View, Calif.

 

 

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/09/opinion/09brin.html?hp=&pagewanted=all

  

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Short Outbursts on Twitter? #Big Problem

Short Outbursts on Twitter? #Big Problem

 

TIMES are tough for the "tweet before you think" crowd.

 

Courtney Love was sued by a fashion designer after she posted a series of inflammatory tweets, one calling the designer a liar and a thief. A landlord in Chicago sued a tenant for $50,000 after she tweeted about her moldy apartment. And Demi Mooreslapped back at Perez Hilton over a revealing photograph of the actress's daughter.

A growing number of people have begun lashing out at their Twittercritics, challenging the not-quite rules of etiquette on a service where insults are lobbed in brief bursts, too short to include the social niceties. Some offended parties are suing. For others, extracting a public mea culpa will do. In some cases, the payback is extreme: Mark Cuban, the owner of the Dallas Mavericks of the National Basketball Association, was fined $25,000 for criticizing a referee in a tweet after a game.

Blogs, of course, have long been rife with the discontented heaping abuse on foes. But academics and researchers who study online attitudes say that same behavior has been less common on Twitter, in part, because many people use their real names. Now it is migrating to the service, attracting lawsuits and leaving users to haggle among themselves about what will be tolerated.

Complicating matters, there are few prescribed social norms on Twitter like those in more closed communities like Facebook. The service has attained mass popularity without much time to develop an organic users' culture. On top of that, with tweets limited to 140 characters, users come right to the point without context or nuance.

"It's the same reason why schoolyard fights don't start out with, 'I have a real problem with the way you said something so let's discuss it,' " said Josh Bernoff, a researcher and an author of "Groundswell: Winning in a World Transformed by Social Technologies." "You get right to the punch in the nose. Twitter doesn't allow room for reflection. It gets people to the barest emotion."

The same laws of libel and defamation that apply to traditional media and the Internet also apply to Twitter, according to free speech experts. (Defamation is when someone knowingly says something false that causes harm.) What is likely to shift, said Floyd Abrams, the well-known First Amendment lawyer, is what language is considered acceptable and whether it is deemed harmful. In the 1950s, he explained, it was libelous to call someone a Communist; today it is not.

"The basic law will be the same, but I would think that a defendant might argue that the language used on Twitter is understood to not be taken as seriously as is the case in other forms of communication," said Mr. Abrams, who has represented The New York Times. "We will have to wait and see how judges and juries figure out how to deal with this."

Bryan Freedman is the lawyer in Los Angeles who is representing Dawn Simorangkir, a designer who markets clothes under the Boudoir Queen label, and who sued Ms. Love for libel in March. The lawsuit contends that Ms. Love "became infatuated" with the designer, asking her to create costumes using vintage material the singer owned.

When Ms. Simorangkir asked to be paid, Ms. Love balked at the price. Ms. Simorangkir, in return, refused to return Ms. Love's vintage material, according to legal documents filed by Ms. Love's lawyers. The singer accused the designer of being a liar and thief (among other things) in a number of rambling, misspelled tweets.

"You will end up in a circle of corched eaeth hunted til your dead," read one tweet from Ms. Love in March.

Ms. Love and her lawyers, Keith Fink and Olaf Muller, declined to comment on the lawsuit. But in August Ms. Love's lawyers sought to dismiss the case, saying it would violate and inhibit her right to free speech. Mr. Freedman maintains, however, that Ms. Simorangkir's business has suffered because of Ms. Love. A hearing is set for this month. "I find with this kind of communication you will always end up saying something that will get you in trouble," Mr. Freedman said.

Mr. Freedman's perspective is interesting because he also represents Perez Hilton, the gossip blogger known for taunting celebrities with embarrassing posts. In September, Mr. Hilton got into a public spat with Demi Moore on Twitter after he posted a link on his Web site to a photo of Ms. Moore's 15-year-old daughter in a low-cut blouse. In a series of tweets, Ms. Moore accused Mr. Hilton, whose real name is Mario Lavandeira, of flouting child pornography laws. Mr. Hilton went on the attack, posting tweets that said Ms. Moore was an inept mother.

Both parties' lawyers exchanged threatening letters. Through Mr. Freedman, Mr. Hilton accused Ms. Moore of defamation. On Sept. 4, Ms. Moore's lawyer, Marty Singer, responded in a letter calling Mr. Hilton "regularly crude, insulting and cruel."

No lawsuits were filed. As Stephen Huvane, Ms. Moore's publicist, put it, "No one wins in these situations."

In defense of Mr. Hilton, Mr. Freedman said that as long as his tweets reflect opinion, it doesn't matter if his targets think he is cruel. But he conceded that much of the tension arises from the unthinking way that some people use Twitter. "I'm not saying it is right or wrong," Mr. Freedman said, "but I think we are seeing a blurring of lines between nastiness and free speech."

According to legal experts, much of what is said on Twitter is opinion — even nasty name-calling — which means it is protected speech. "When you look at a lot of the things people are complaining about it is not actual defamation, it is a statement of opinion," said David Ardia, director of the Citizen Media Law Project at Harvard University. "In many cases, it's about two people who had a breakdown in a relationship and took that online."

Twitter has made a choice not to become involved in such disputes. "We don't want to be a mediator," said Alexander Macgillivray, Twitter's general counsel. In June, though, the company began verifying accounts after complaints from celebrities about others falsely using their identities.

Some have settled disputes over their Twitter outbursts without lawyers. In June, the author Alice Hoffman apologized after tweeting that a Boston Globe book reviewer was a "moron."

In the case of Mr. Cuban, the N.B.A. exercised its right to fine him for comments it deemed out of line. And it took matters one step further: it now bans players, coaches and other team personnel from tweeting or posting to other social media sites 45 minutes before a game through the end of post-game interviews.

Mr. Ardia said that a far more chilling scenario, in his view, is a case involving Horizon Realty Group, a real estate firm in Chicago that filed suit in July seeking $50,000 in damages from a former tenant, Amanda Bonnen, who tweeted about mold in her apartment.

In an interview with The Chicago Sun-Times, Jeffrey Michael, an executive at Horizon, said the tenant's tweet was untrue, adding, "We're a sue first, ask questions later kind of organization." He later apologized for the comment and, in a press release, explained Horizon was involved in another legal matter involving Ms. Bonnen.

Neither Mr. Michael nor Ms. Bonnen return phone calls seeking comment. Mr. Ardia said that corporations who sue customers who post comments on Twitter may find that the strategy backfires as it sparks criticism of them.

"The old way of silencing someone doesn't work" online, he said. "We as a society have to realize this type of behavior isn't going to go away. We are not going to have civil conversation in all corners of the Internet. Part of that means we have to develop a thicker skin. We should not accept physical threats, of course. But what we recognize as upsetting and hurtful will diminish over time."

It is anybody's guess who will emerge as hallway monitor for the "have three drinks and tweet how much you hate your boss" set. Maybe it will be someone like Tyrone Schiff, a graduate of the University of Michigan who lives in suburban Chicago and who in August started the Web site Twaxed.com, whose slogan begins, "Beware of What You Share." Mr. Schiff trolls Twitter to find the most obnoxious, embarrassing tweets and post them on his site.

So far it is a collection of tweets about sex, sexual organs and the occasional jab at an ex-girlfriend or co-worker. While Mr. Schiff seeks to entertain, he wants also to send a message. "You never know how your words are being used, or used against you," he said. "We are living in a world where people don't censor themselves; they don't use their words carefully. I'm not sure if that's a good thing or a bad thing, but it's reality."

 

 

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Let Congress Go Without Insurance

Let Congress Go Without Insurance

 

 

By NICHOLAS D. KRISTOF

 

 

Let me offer a modest proposal: If Congress fails to pass comprehensive health reform this year, its members should surrender health insurance in proportion with the American population that is uninsured.

Having very fine health insurance leaves members of Congress insensitive to the dysfunction of our existing insurance system. So what better way to attune our leaders to the needs of their constituents than to put them in the same position?

About 15 percent of Americans have no health insurance, according to the Census Bureau. Another 8 percent are underinsured, according to the Commonwealth Fund, a health policy research group. So I propose that if health reform fails this year, 15 percent of members of Congress, along with their families, randomly lose all health insurance and another 8 percent receive inadequate coverage.

Congressional critics of President Obama's efforts to achieve health reform worry that universal coverage will be expensive, while their priority is to curb social spending. So here's their chance to save government dollars in keeping with their own priorities.

Those same critics sometimes argue that universal coverage needn't be a top priority because anybody can get coverage at the emergency room. Let them try that with their kids.

Some members also worry that a public option (an effective way to bring competition to the insurance market) would compete unfairly with private companies and amount to a step toward socialism. If they object so passionately to "socialized health," why don't they block their 911 service to socialized police and fire services, disconnect themselves from socialized sewers and avoid socialized interstate highways?

I wouldn't wish the trauma of losing health insurance on anyone, but our politicians' failure to assure health care for all citizens is such a longstanding and grievous breach of their responsibility that they deserve it. In January 1917, Progressive Magazine wrote: "At present the United States has the unenviable distinction of being the only great industrial nation without universal health insurance." More than 90 years later, we still have that distinction.

Theodore Roosevelt campaigned for national health insurance in 1912. Richard Nixontried for universal coverage in 1974. Yet, even now, nearly half of Congress is vigorously opposed to such a plan.

Health care has often been debated as a technical or economic issue. That has been a mistake, I believe. At root, universal health care is not an economic or technical question but a moral one.

We accept that life is unfair, that some people will live in cramped apartments and others in sprawling mansions. But our existing insurance system is not simply inequitable but also lethal: a very recent, peer-reviewed article in the American Journal of Public Health finds that nearly 45,000 uninsured people die annually as a consequence of not having insurance. That's one needless death every 12 minutes.

When nearly 3,000 people were killed on 9/11, we began wars and were willing to devote more than $1 trillion in additional expenses. Yet about the same number of Americans die from our failed insurance system every three weeks.

The obstacle isn't so much money as priorities. America made it a priority to provide tax breaks, largely to the wealthy, in the Bush years, at a 10-year cost including interest of $2.4 trillion. Allocating less than half that much to assure equal access to health care isn't deemed an equal priority.

The plan emerging in the Senate is no panacea. America needs to promote exercise and discourage sugary drinks to hold down the rise in obesity, diabetes and medical bills. We need more competition among insurance companies. And conservatives are right to call for tort reform to reduce the costs of malpractice insurance and defensive medicine.

But those steps are not a substitute for guaranteed health coverage for all Americans. And if health reform fails this year, then hopes for universal coverage will recede again. There was a lag of 19 years after the Nixon plan before another serious try, and a 16-year lag after the Clinton effort of 1993. Another 16-year delay would be accompanied by more than 700,000 unnecessary deaths. That's more Americans than died in World War I, World War II, Korea, Vietnam and Iraq combined.

The collapse of health reform would be a political and policy failure, but it would also be a profound moral failure. Periodically, there are political questions that are fundamentally moral, including slavery in the 19th century and civil rights battles in the 1950s and '60s. In the same way, allowing tens of thousands of Americans to die each year because they are uninsured is not simply unwise and unfortunate. It is also wrong — a moral blot on a great nation.

I invite you to visit my blog, On the Ground. Please also join me on Facebook, watch myYouTube videos and follow me on Twitter.

 

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/08/opinion/08kristof.html?em

 


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Wednesday, October 7, 2009

Rosanne Cash Runs Down Her Father's 'List'

    Rosanne Cash Runs Down Her Father's 'List'

     

    Also an author, Rosanne Cash is working on a non-fiction book. She has previously written Bodies of Water and a children's book, Penelope Jane: A Fairy's Tale.

    October 5, 2009 - When Rosanne Cash was 18, her father (you may have heard of him; some call him the Man in Black) presented her with a gift: a list of 100 essential country songs, chosen to help the budding singer-songwriter connect with and better understand the music that came before her.

    She was more focused on writing her own songs than on interpreting the songs of others, and she succeeded in becoming known as a songwriter. Rosanne Cash recorded several No. 1 country hits, then left Nashville and established herself as a singer-songwriter in the indie-rock world.

    After holding onto that list for the past few decades, Cash decided to turn her father's gift into a singularly personal new album — titled, not surprisingly, The List.

    The 12-track disc, the younger Cash's first recording made up entirely of other writers' songs, collects her interpretations of titles from her father's list. Among the artists who've joined her for featured tracks are Bruce SpringsteenElvis Costello and Rufus Wainwright.

    The List

    So how did her father come to prepare a list for her?

    "When I was 18 years old, I went on the road with my dad after I graduated from high school. And we were riding on the tour bus one day, kind of rolling through the South, and he mentioned a song," Cash says. "We started talking about songs, and he mentioned one, and I said I don't know that one. And he mentioned another. I said, 'I don't know that one either, Dad,' and he became very alarmed that I didn't know what he considered my own musical genealogy. So he spent the rest of the afternoon making a list for me, and at the end of the day, he said, 'This is your education.' And across the top of the page, he wrote '100 Essential Country Songs.'"

    Despite his own label, Johnny Cash didn't limit his choices with a strict definition of "country" music.

    "The list might have been better titled '100 Essential American Songs,' because it was very comprehensive. He covered every critical point in Southern and American music: early folk songs, protest songs, Delta blues, Southern gospel, early country music, Appalachian. Everything that fed into modern country music was on that list."

    Cash is primarily known as a singer-songwriter; she performs her own songs, and not typically covers. How did she feel about recording an album of other people's songs?

    "It was a little scary at first, because I didn't ever want to put my voice front and center. You know, I was a songwriter; that was the torch I carried. This is an honorable profession. This is what I do. I'm a songwriter," she says. "My voice just serves what I'm writing about. So to let all that go, I mean, bring the sensibilities of it actually to the song choices, but to just be the interpreter was incredibly liberating, really fun."

    Preserving A Legacy

    Cash says there is a legacy to preserve — and it isn't just her father's.

    "You know, people who weren't around to hear Patsy Cline's version of 'She's Got You,' or a song like 'Take These Chains,' or never heard Ray CharlesModern Sounds in Country and Western Music or Hank Snow or any of these people. So, I always felt like, you can't imagine the Scots or the Irish without Celtic music," she says. "You can't imagine us, the Americans, without these songs. They are so important to us. You know, it would be a tragedy if they were just, you know, you had to — if they were just in a museum, or if they were just archived somewhere; if they weren't still being performed."

     

    http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=113496614>

     


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Tuesday, October 6, 2009

Vestine, une légende noire (Actes Sud) Virginie Jouannet Roussel

Vestine, une légende noire

 

Sortie : octobre 7, 2009, aux éditions Actes Sud, coll « D'une seule voix » Vestine, une légende noire, de Virginie Jouannet Roussel.

En 1994,  Virginie Jouannet-Roussel croise le chemin d'une enfant rescapée des massacres Rwandais. Amputée, ne sachant ni lire ni écrire, ne parlant pas français, Vestine vient d'arriver à Strasbourg. Il y a trois ans et demi, Vestine  demande à Virginie si elle veut bien écrire son histoire, et surtout raconter les cinq jours terribles durant lesquels elle a vu mourir les siens et où elle a été grièvement blessée.

 

 

 

Une jeune femme noire, 27 ans environ est assise sur un canapé. A côté d'elle une jambe, posée sur un coussin.

Vestine mukagataré, « celle qui vient de la pierre » raconte pèle-mêle les vaches alsaciennes, Nine et ses drôles de cigarettes mauves, les règles de grammaire, la course pour ne pas mourir, la thérapie avec le bon docteur Bernstein, l'amputation, les trous dans sa mémoire pointilliste, les stigmates qu'elle porte gravée sur sa peau, les bébés rouges ou les corps carcasses…

Et le monologue jaillit, raconte, interpelle avec au cœur du récit, comme une plongée en apnée les cinq jours terribles où Vestine se perd dans l'enfer du génocide rwandais…

Extrait: « J'avais appris à parler français et c'est comme si les mots chassaient l'Afrique.  Je lisais Zola, Mon bel oranger, des histoires de Rois Louis, de Révolution Française; à la télé je regardais les pubs où des jeunes habillés comme des sacs rivalisaient en Nike, Adidas, Schott et j'embrouillais les marques, j'embrouillais le monde, un jour à baigner dans le sang des morts, un autre à rêver devant un paire de baskets vraiment trop cool. A l'école –direct en CM1- une dame martelait que les plaques de dix forment une centaine, que le verbe fait l'action, que trois fois quatre égale douze. En Afrique, j'avais appris des choses qui n'existaient pas ici. Des choses violentes. Que la colère germe comme des petits haricots rouges dans le cœur des soldats. Que la mort frappe en plein jour, et qu'elle pue. »

« J'ai voulu aller sous la peau pour dire l'indicible, mêler la lumière au sombre pour raconter l'histoire vraie de Vestine. Il m'a fallu travestir un peu, prendre de la distance avec la Vestine intime pour aller toucher, chez moi et l'autre, la justesse d'une cadence, d'une voix. » Virginie Jouannet Roussel

 

Livrerentrée littérairevestine une légende noireéditions actes sudLoisirs

 


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How Nonsense Sharpens the Intellect

How Nonsense Sharpens the Intellect

In addition to assorted bad breaks and pleasant surprises, opportunities and insults, life serves up the occasional pink unicorn. The three-dollar bill; the nun with a beard; the sentence, to borrow from the Lewis Carroll poem, that gyres and gimbles in the wabe.

 

An experience, in short, that violates all logic and expectation. The philosopher Soren Kierkegaard wrote that such anomalies produced a profound "sensation of the absurd," and he wasn't the only one who took them seriously. Freud, in an essay called "The Uncanny," traced the sensation to a fear of death, of castration or of "something that ought to have remained hidden but has come to light."

At best, the feeling is disorienting. At worst, it's creepy.

Now a study suggests that, paradoxically, this same sensation may prime the brain to sense patterns it would otherwise miss — in mathematical equations, in language, in the world at large.

"We're so motivated to get rid of that feeling that we look for meaning and coherence elsewhere," said Travis Proulx, a postdoctoral researcher at the University of California, Santa Barbara, and lead author of the paper appearing in the journal Psychological Science. "We channel the feeling into some other project, and it appears to improve some kinds of learning."

Researchers have long known that people cling to their personal biases more tightly when feeling threatened. After thinking about their own inevitable death, they become more patriotic, more religious and less tolerant of outsiders, studies find. When insulted, they profess more loyalty to friends — and when told they've done poorly on a trivia test, they even identify more strongly with their school's winning teams.

In a series of new papers, Dr. Proulx and Steven J. Heine, a professor of psychology at the University of British Columbia, argue that these findings are variations on the same process: maintaining meaning, or coherence. The brain evolved to predict, and it does so by identifying patterns.

When those patterns break down — as when a hiker stumbles across an easy chair sitting deep in the woods, as if dropped from the sky — the brain gropes for something, anything that makes sense. It may retreat to a familiar ritual, like checking equipment. But it may also turn its attention outward, the researchers argue, and notice, say, a pattern in animal tracks that was previously hidden. The urge to find a coherent pattern makes it more likely that the brain will find one.

"There's more research to be done on the theory," said Michael Inzlicht, an assistant professor of psychology at the University of Toronto, because it may be that nervousness, not a search for meaning, leads to heightened vigilance. But he added that the new theory was "plausible, and it certainly affirms my own meaning system; I think they're onto something."

In the most recent paper, published last month, Dr. Proulx and Dr. Heine described having 20 college students read an absurd short story based on "The Country Doctor," by Franz Kafka. The doctor of the title has to make a house call on a boy with a terrible toothache. He makes the journey and finds that the boy has no teeth at all. The horses who have pulled his carriage begin to act up; the boy's family becomes annoyed; then the doctor discovers the boy has teeth after all. And so on. The story is urgent, vivid and nonsensical — Kafkaesque.

After the story, the students studied a series of 45 strings of 6 to 9 letters, like "X, M, X, R, T, V." They later took a test on the letter strings, choosing those they thought they had seen before from a list of 60 such strings. In fact the letters were related, in a very subtle way, with some more likely to appear before or after others.

The test is a standard measure of what researchers call implicit learning: knowledge gained without awareness. The students had no idea what patterns their brain was sensing or how well they were performing.

But perform they did. They chose about 30 percent more of the letter strings, and were almost twice as accurate in their choices, than a comparison group of 20 students who had read a different short story, a coherent one.

"The fact that the group who read the absurd story identified more letter strings suggests that they were more motivated to look for patterns than the others," Dr. Heine said. "And the fact that they were more accurate means, we think, that they're forming new patterns they wouldn't be able to form otherwise."

Brain-imaging studies of people evaluating anomalies, or working out unsettling dilemmas, show that activity in an area called the anterior cingulate cortex spikes significantly. The more activation is recorded, the greater the motivation or ability to seek and correct errors in the real world, a recent study suggests. "The idea that we may be able to increase that motivation," said Dr. Inzlicht, a co-author, "is very much worth investigating."

Researchers familiar with the new work say it would be premature to incorporate film shorts by David Lynch, say, or compositions by John Cage into school curriculums. Forone thing, no one knows whether exposure to the absurd can help people with explicit learning, like memorizing French. For another, studies have found that people in the grip of the uncanny tend to see patterns where none exist — becoming more prone to conspiracy theories, for example. The urge for order satisfies itself, it seems, regardless of the quality of the evidence.

Still, the new research supports what many experimental artists, habitual travelers and other novel seekers have always insisted: at least some of the time, disorientation begets creative thinking.

 

By BENEDICT CAREY

Published: October 5, 2009

 

 

http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/06/health/06mind.html?em

 


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Suicides in France Put Focus on Workplace


Suicides in France Put Focus on Workplace

PARIS — Media attention to a recent spate of suicides at France Télécom has revealed a paradox at the heart of French society: even with robust labor protection, workers feel profoundly insecure, with many complaining that the pace of economic change is pushing them beyond their limits.

 

A popular image outside France is of a cosseted work force protected from layoffs by near-hermetic job security and pampered by a 35-hour workweek. But the reality is often different, according to experts, union representatives and the workers themselves.

"When I started as a psychiatrist, 35 years ago, my patients were talking about their personal lives," said Marie-France Hirigoyen, a French psychiatrist who did pioneering work on bullying and workplace relations. "Now it's all about their jobs. People are suffering in the workplace. They shouldn't be, from the logic of management. After all, they have a good job, a nice vacation. But they are suffering."

In statistical terms, the 24 suicides at France Télécom since February 2008 — including eight since the beginning of summer, with the latest confirmed on Monday — are not extraordinary for a company employing 102,0000 people in France.

The World Health Organization put the suicide rate in France at 26.4 per 100,000 for men and 9.2 for women in 2005. That is the highest among large European economies, but still well behind Japan. In the United States, the comparable rates are 17.7 for men and 4.5 for women.

Mental health experts are always extremely cautious about attributing a suicide to any one cause: one often never knows what forces act upon a person. But what has caught the attention of the public and the French government is that many of the suicides, and more than a dozen failed suicides, have been attributed by some experts and labor officials to work-related problems.

Adding to that is what Dr. Hirigoyen described as the spectacular nature of some cases. In one case a man stabbed himself, hara-kiri style, in the middle of a meeting (he survived); in another, a woman killed herself by leaping from a fifth-floor office window. On Monday, a 51-year-old employee threw himself from a highway bridge.

"Stress has become a national sport," said Michel Marchet, the secretary of the banking chapter of France's General Confederation of Labor, or C.G.T. union. "We need employers to modify the way that they organize work, but we don't have the impression that anything will happen soon."

Despite the 35-hour workweek law, European Union data shows that the French last year worked a 41-hour week on average, putting them 13th of the 27 nations in the bloc. (Austria was ranked No. 1 at 44 hours.)

In 2006 and 2007, three technicians working at the automaker Renault's research and development center, near Paris, committed suicide, according to Benoît Coquille, a company spokesman. At the time, union leaders cited pressures on the job.

In response, Carlos Ghosn, the Renault chief executive, went to the center to talk with workers and managers. Detailed questionnaires were sent to more than 11,000 employees, and face-to-face meetings were held to discuss work conditions. Mr. Coquille said the company decided to go back and explain again basic management rules throughout the chain of command.

It is impossible to say that there have been no additional work-related suicides, Mr. Coquille said, but since then, "there haven't been any with an obvious connection to the job."

France Télécom has hired Technologia, the same consulting firm that helped to guide Renault's response, to assess its situation. It is in an unusual position: despite a partial privatization in 1997, two-thirds of the company's work force are still classified as public servants and cannot be fired. Yet, even that level of job security can bring stress.

France Télécom is being forced to compete with private companies in a fast-moving global market. From 2006 through 2008, the company cut more than 22,000 jobs through voluntary departures. Nearly half of those were workers who either took early retirement, accepted transfers to civil service positions outside the company or left to start their own businesses with the company's backing.

(By comparison, BT Group, the former British telephone monopoly that has been carrying out its own wrenching reorganization, cut 15,000 jobs in 2008 alone and has said it will cut an additional 15,000 this year.)

Sébastien Crozier, head of the Confederation of Professional and Managerial Staff, part of the general union at France Télécom, estimated that in the last five years, half of all France Télécom employees had either changed jobs internally, changed work locations, or both. That, he said, has created a sense of constant upheaval and insecurity.

Further, there is a sense that managers are deliberately trying to get employees to quit, he said. Since giving up civil service status would mean sacrificing retirement benefits, many people simply try to hold out, even if it means they have little of substance to do or they feel they are not being used effectively.

In response to a flurry of media attention, France Télécom has said it will freeze worker transfers until the end of October, establish an anonymous help line for troubled employees and add extra psychological and human resources support.

"We are the only incumbent telecoms operator not to have carried out mass redundancies," said Olivier Barberot, the head of human resources at France Télécom.

"Most people, the bulk of them, have been able to increase their skills and move on to new jobs," he said. "But some have had difficulty adapting."

In an interview, Xavier Darcos, France's employment minister, said the problem of workplace stress was not confined to France. But he criticized the company's previous approach, saying future reorganization would be "better supervised."

"Maybe he underestimated the effect of the transformation on staff and the media impact," Mr. Darcos said of France Télécom's chief executive, Didier Lombard.

"We are in a transforming economy, and the evaluation tools used are a bit out of date," Mr. Darcos said.

Nonetheless, he said, a job, even a highly stressful one, is better than unemployment.

"For us, unemployment is the absolute failure," Mr. Darcos said. "We prefer to have people who don't feel totally happy at work, or to work part time, rather than people being unemployed."

The unemployment rate in France was 9.8 percent in July, up two percentage points from a year earlier. It probably would have been even higher without government programs to subsidize the auto industry and keep workers on the payroll, at least part time.

In the end, at France Télécom, though, some things are inevitable. Echoing comments by Mr. Lombard and Mr. Darcos, Mr. Barberot, the company's human resources chief, said, "We can't stop the reorganization."

 

By DAVID JOLLY and MATTHEW SALTMARSH

Published: September 29, 2009

 

 

 http://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/30/business/global/30employ.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all


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